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saying: Even now, the President cannot doubt that both France and England would prefer any change in the condition of Cuba to that which is most to be apprehended, viz.: an internal convulsion which should renew the horrors and the fate of San Domingo But Cuba, it seems, is not merely a slaveholding, but a slave-trading dependency, which affords still another reason why Spain should lose and we gain it. Says Mr. Everett: I will intimate a final objection to the proposed convention.dition of the island would justify such a measure. We should, however, be recreant to our duty, be unworthy of our gallant forefathers, and commit base treason against our posterity, should we permit Cuba to be Africanized and become a second St. Domingo, with all its attendant horrors to the white race, and suffer the flames to extend to our own neighboring shores, seriously to endanger, or actually to consume, the fair fabric of our Union. We fear that the course and current of events ar
er basis than that prescribed by our fathers, in the compact formed by them, is a madman — ay, worse, a traitor — and should be hung as high as Haman. Sir, pass these acts, confiscate under these bills the property of these men, emancipate their negroes, place arms in the hands of these human gorillas, to murder their masters and violate their wives and daughters, and you will have a war such as was never witnessed in the worst days of the French Revolution, and horrors never exceeded in St. Domingo, for the balance of this century at least. Mr. Eliot closed the debate May 26. in an able speech for the bills; and the confiscation bill was passed — Yeas 82; Nays 63. The Emancipation bill was next taken up; when, after rejecting several amendments, the vote was taken on its passage, and it was defeated: Yeas 74 (all Republicans); Nays 78--fifteen members elected as Republicans voting Nay, with all the Democrats and all the Border-State men. The Republicans voting Nay were Mes<
I do? Will your excellency bear with me a moment. while this question is discussed? I appreciate fully your excellency's suggestion as to the inherent weakness of the rebels, arising from the preponderance of their servile population. The question, then, is, In what manner shall we take advantage of that weakness? By allowing, and of course arming, that population to rise upon the defenceless women and children of the country, carrying rapine, arson, and murder — all the horrors of San Domingo a million times magnified — among those whom we hope to reunite with us as brethren, many of whom are already so, and all who are worth preserving will be, when this horrible madness shall have passed away or be threshed out of them? Would your excellency advise the troops under my command to make war in person upon the defenceless women and children of any part of the Union, accompanied with brutalities too horrible to be named? You will say, God forbid. If we may not do so in person,
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Chapter 19: observations upon matters connected with the War. (search)
gence and tell you my conclusions as soon as I can. The second day after that, I called early in the morning and said: Mr. President, I have gone very carefully over my calculations as to the power of the country to export the negroes of the South, and I assure you that using all your naval vessels and all the merchant marine fit to cross the seas with safety, it will be impossible for you to transport them to the nearest place that can be found fit for them,--and that is the Island of San Domingo,--half as fast as negro children will be born here. I am afraid you are right, General, was his answer; but have you thought what we shall do with the negro soldiers? I said: I have formulated a scheme which I will suggest to you, Mr. President. We have now enlisted one hundred and fifty thousand negro troops, more or less, infantry, cavalry, and artillery. They were enlisted for three years or for the war. We did not commence enlisting them in any numbers until the latter pa
plying herself with coal, the Nashville departed from Bermuda at eleven A. M., on the twenty-fourth ult., under the pilotage of the master of a Southern schooner which had run the blockade a few days before with a cargo of turpentine and rosin, and who expressed the fullest confidence in his ability to conduct the ship safely into port. On the twenty-sixth ult., she encountered, on the margin of the Gulf Stream the Yankee schooner Robert Gilfillan, Capt. Smith, bound from Philadelphia to St. Domingo, with an assorted cargo of flour, pork, butter, cheese, and other provisions. Removing from the schooner such of her cargo as was deemed valuable, and transferring her crew to the steamer as prisoners, the prize was fired, and in a few minutes completely destroyed. About dawn on Friday morning, the steamer reached the vicinity of her destined harbor, off which was espied a Yankee war-steamer, apparently in watch of the approaching vessel. It was the crisis of the trip: and its perilo
mate right of war. No such right is acknowledged as a law of war by writers who admit any limitation. The right of putting to death all prisoners in cold blood, and without special cause, might as well be pretended to be a law of war, or the right to use poisoned weapons, or to assassinate. Disregarding the teachings of the approved writers on international law and the practice and claims of his own Government in its purer days, President Lincoln has sought to convert the South into a St. Domingo, by appealing to the cupidity, lusts, ambition, and ferocity of the slave. Abraham Lincoln is but the lineal descendant of Dunmore, and the impotent malice of each was foiled by the fidelity of those who, by the meanness of the conspirators, would only, if successful, have been seduced into idleness, filth, vice, beggary, and death. But we tire of these indignities and enormities. They are too sickening for recital. History will hereafter pillory those who committed and encouraged s
ity between the two ships. We received a few shot holes from the enemy, doing no material damage. The enemy's steamer steamed out in pursuit of us soon after the action commenced, but missed us in the darkness of the night. Being embarrassed with a large number of prisoners, I steamed directly for Jamaica, where I arrived on the twentieth of January. Here I landed my prisoners, repaired damages, coaled ship, and on the twenty-fifth of January I proceeded to sea again. On the twenty-eighth of January I touched at the city of St. Domingo, in the island of the same name, and landed the crews of two of the enemy's ships which I had burned. I sailed again on the same day, and made my way to----, thence to the island of----, and thence to this place, where I arrived yesterday — burning, bonding, and destroying enemy's ships, as per list enclosed. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, your obedient servant, R. Semmes, Commander. Hon. S. R. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy
death at Louisville, Kentucky, January 9, 1872. Major-General George Brinton McClellan (U. S.M. A. 1846) was born in Philadelphia, December 3, 1826. He served in the Engineer Corps during the Mexican War, distinguished himself by gallant service, and reached the rank of captain in 1855, having been so brevetted in 1847. He became assistant instructor in practical engineering at West Point, later accompanied the Red River exploring expedition, and was sent on a secret mission to Santo Domingo. During the Crimean War, he was one of a commission of three appointed by Congress to study and report upon the whole art of European warfare. He remained some time with the British forces. McClellan's report was a model of comprehensive accuracy and conciseness, and showed him to be a master of siege-tactics. In 1857, McClellan resigned his army commission to devote himself to the practice of engineering. He became vice-president of the Illinois Central Railroad Company, and later
the penitentiaries and poorhouses, objects of scorn, excluded in some places from the schools, and deprived of many other privileges and benefits which attach to the white men among whom they live. And yet, they insist that elsewhere an institution which has proved beneficial to this race shall be abolished, that it may be substituted by a state of things which is fraught with so many evils to the race which they claim to be the object of their solicitude! Do they find in the history of St. Domingo, and in the present condition of Jamaica, under the recent experiments which have been made upon the institution of slavery in the liberation of the blacks, before God, in his wisdom, designed it should be done—do they there find anything to stimulate them to future exertion in the cause of abolition? Or should they not find there satisfactory evidence that their past course was founded in error? And is it not the part of integrity and wisdom, as soon as they can, to retrace their steps
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), America, discoverers of. (search)
ch of an island containing a fabled fountain of youth. He did not find the spring, but discovered a beautiful land covered with exquisite flowers, and named it Florida. In 1520 Lucas Vasquez de Allyou, a wealthy Spaniard, who owned mines in Santo Domingo, voyaged northwesterly from that island, and discovered the coast of South Carolina. Meanwhile the Spaniards had been pushing discoveries westward from Hispaniola, or Santo Domingo. Ojeda also discovered Central America. In 1513 Vasco NuñeSanto Domingo. Ojeda also discovered Central America. In 1513 Vasco Nuñez de Balboa discovered the Pacific Ocean from a mountain summit on the Isthmus of Darien. Francisco Fernandez de Cordova discovered Mexico in 1517. Pamphila de Narvaez and Ferdinand de Soto traversed the country bordering on the Gulf of Mexico, the former in 1528, and the latter in 1539-41. In the latter year De Soto discovered and crossed the Mississippi, and penetrated the country beyond. This was the last attempt of the Spaniards to make discoveries in North America before the English app
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