Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10. You can also browse the collection for Canada (Canada) or search for Canada (Canada) in all documents.

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out of themselves, according to the teachings of Luther in his earlier days. It is the common principle on which Frenchmen first colonized what is now Nova Scotia and Florida; on which Englishmen and the Dutch planted the states that lie between Canada and the head of the Chesapeake; and it was strongly represented in the settlements further south. So Germany, which appropriated no territory in America, gave to the colonies of New Netherland and New England their laws of being. The holy emptle was forced to bend to William Pitt; and then England and Prussia, and the embryon United States,—Pitt, Frederic, and Washington,—worked together for human freedom. The seven years war extended the English colonies to the Mississippi and gave Canada to England. We conquered America in Germany, said the elder Pitt, ascribing to Frederic a share in the extension of the Germanic race in the other hemisphere; and in like manner Frederic, in his histories, treats the English movement in America
perience in war, he had solicited a command; after his appointment he had given the reins to self-will, so that misfortune overtook his treachery. In October, 1782, sinking under a fever in a sordid inn at Philadelphia, he died as he had lived, loving neither God nor man. This year is memorable for the far-seeing advice of a neglected New-England man, standing alone and sustained only by his own firmness of mind. Jonathan Carver of Connecticut, who had taken part in the war that wrested Canada from France, had, as a traveller, with rare intrepidity penetrated the wilderness beyond Green bay and the Wisconsin river to the west of what is now Minnesota or even to Dakota. In the midst of the confusion of war, he published in England his travels, with a preface full of deep feeling and of happy predictions that mighty Chap. IV.} 1778. states would emerge from these wildernesses; that solemn temples would supplant the Indian huts which had no decorations but the barbarous trophies o
1778. had demanded. There was a general cry for peace. Edward Gibbon to J. Holroyd, 2 Dec., 1777, and 4 Dec., 1777. The king, in January, 1778, confessed to Lord North: The time may come when it will be wise to abandon all North America but Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Floridas; but then the generality of the nation must see it first in that light. Donne, II. 118. Lord Rockingham was convinced himself and desired to convince the public of the impossibility of going on with the war. Cto be a hundred chances to one in favor of capturing the garrison on Rhode Island, and thus ending British pretensions to sovereignty over America. Robert Livingston expressed the hope that congress, in treating for peace, would insist on having Canada, Hudson's Bay, the Floridas, and all the continent independent. On the eighth the French fleet, which a whim of 8. Sullivan had detained for ten days in the offing, ran past the British batteries into the harbor of Newport. The landing had b
rom Boston d'estaing, in the name of his king, had summoned the Canadians to throw off British rule; Lafayette, in December, exhorted his children, the savages of Canada, to look upon the English as their enemies. Thus encouraged, congress, without consulting a single military man, formed a plan for the emancipation of Canada, inCanada, in co-operation with an army from France. One American detachment from Pittsburgh was to capture Detroit; another from Wyoming, Niagara; a third from the Mohawk river to seize Oswego; a fourth from New England, by way of the St. Francis, to enter Montreal; a fifth, to guard the approaches from Quebec: while to France was assigned trts of Massachusetts grew opulent by commerce. Samuel Adams, uttering the popular sentiment, wrote from Philadelphia: I hope we shall secure to the United States Canada, Nova Scotia, Florida too, and the fishery, by our arms or by treaty. We shall never be on a solid footing, till Great Britain cedes to us, or we wrest from her,
United States, by a balance of power in which England should hold the post of danger, wished her to retain possession of Canada and Nova Scotia; for it would prove a perennial source of quarrels between the British and the Americans. On our side, wo Spain the navigation of the Mississippi, Gerard to Vergennes, 20 Oct., 1778. and while he desired the acquisition of Canada and Nova Scotia asserted the necessity of a law for setting a limit to the American dominion. Our empire, said Jay, the rcial establishment of Chandernagor fell with the surrender of that post; Ibid. the insinuation of a desire to recover Canada, Vergennes always repelled as a calumny. As the horizon began to clear and Florida Blanca became sure of his power oveeart attached to the crown. Abbot (lieutenant-governor of Vincennes) to Germain, 3 April, 1778. On the invasion of Canada in 1775, Carleton, to strengthen the posts of Detroit and Niagara, had Chap. VIII.} 1778. withdrawn the small British g
ain a hearing in congress. France, renouncing for herself all pretensions to her old provinces, Canada and Nova Scotia, joined Spain in opposing every wish of the Americans to acquire them. In this rietary of the coast. Therefore the fisheries on the coasts of Newfoundland, of Nova Scotia, of Canada, belong exclusively to the English; and the Americans have no pretension whatever to share in ths for the first reduction of Cape Breton, and had assisted in the acquisition of Nova Scotia and Canada. The fisheries on their coasts seemed to them, therefore, a perpetual joint property. Against declaring the strongest desire, that the United States might never be more than thirteen, unless Canada should one day be received as the fourteenth. The president of congress, still confiding in theum that their territory should extend from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, from the Floridas to Canada and Nova Scotia; that the right of fishing and curing fish on the banks and coasts of Newfoundla
cil: Why does not the great king, our father, assist us? Our villages will be cut off, and we can no longer fight his battles. Bolton to Haldimand, 16 Aug., 1779. On the twenty-second of August, the day after he was joined by New York troops under General James Aug. 22. Clinton, Sullivan began his march up the Tioga into the heart of the Indian country. On the same day, Little David, a Mohawk chief, delivered a message from himself and the Six Nations to Haldimand, then governor of Canada: Brother! for these three years past the Six Nations have been running a race against fresh enemies, and are almost out of breath. Now Chap. X.} 1779. we shall see whether you are our loving strong brother, or whether you deceive us. Brother! we are still strong for the king of England, if you will show us that he is a man of his word, and that he will not abandon his brothers, the Six Nations. The message of Little David, a Mohawk chief, from himself and the Six Nations to Assaragaw
n medals of silver, and swords to Pickens and Triplet. The health of Morgan gave way soon after the battle; and in three weeks more a most severe acute attack of rheumatism, consequent on the exposures of this and his former campaigns, forced him to take a leave of absence. Wherever he had appeared, he had always heralded the way to daring action, almost always to success. He first attracted Chap. XXII.} 1781. Jan. 23. notice in the camp round Boston, was foremost in the march through the wilderness to Canada, and foremost in the attempt to take Quebec by storm; he bore the brunt of every engagement with Burgoyne's army, and now he had won the most extraordinary victory of the war at the Cowpens. He took with him into retirement the praises of all the army, and of the chief civil representatives of the country. Again and again hopes rose that he might once more appear in arms; but the unrelenting malady obliged him to refuse the invitation of Lafayette and even of Washington.
itself, the two negotiations to move on with equal step, and the two treaties to be simultaneously signed. From Amsterdam, John Adams questioned whether, with Canada and Nova Scotia in the hands of the English, the Americans could ever have a real peace. In a like spirit, Franklin intrusted to Oswald Notes for Conversation, in which the voluntary cession of Canada was suggested as the surety of a durable peace and a sweet reconciliation. At the same time he replied to his old friend Lord Shelburne: I desire no other channel of communication between us than that of Mr. Oswald, which I think your lordship has chosen with much judgment. He will be witn. to his agent the verbal instruction: If America is independent, she must be so of the whole world, with no ostensible, tacit, or secret connection with France. Canada could not be ceded. It was reasonable to expect a free trade, unencumbered with duties, to every part of America. All debts due to British subjects were to be s
Shelburne on power; and he made all haste to bring about an immediate pacifica- Chap. XXVIII.} 1782. July 10. tion. On the tenth of July, in his own house and at his own invitation, he had an interview with Oswald, and proposed to him the American conditions of peace. The articles which could not be departed from were: Independence full and complete in every sense to the thirteen states, and all British troops to be withdrawn from them; for boundaries, the Mississippi, and on the side of Canada as they were before the Quebec act of 1774; and, lastly, a freedom of fishing off Newfoundland and elsewhere as in times past. Having already explained that nothing could be done for the loyalists by the United States, as their estates had been confiscated by laws of particular states which congress had no power to repeal, he further demonstrated that Great Britain had forfeited every right to intercede for them by its conduct and example; to which end he read to Oswald the orders of the
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