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is what you designate as forcing the people of Kansas to obey laws not their own, nor of the United formation of a constitution than the people of Kansas have done. It was necessary, first, to ascertch they live. When we speak of the affairs of Kansas, we Are apt to refer merely to the existence o an opportunity, if in the majority, of making Kansas a free State, according to their own professeded, he knew that all revolutionary troubles in Kansas would speedily terminate. A resort to the balears of patriots for the safety of the Union. Kansas once admitted into the Union, the excitement bnor to every portion of it by the admission of Kansas during the present session of Congress; wherea proposed to submit to a vote of the people of Kansas a proposition reducing the number of acres to py home. The past unfortunate experience of Kansas has enforced the lesson, so often already taugpursue this subject further than to state that Kansas was finally admitted into the Union on the 29t[43 more...]
r of the Republican party, after having read it with great attention, and by sixty-eight prominent Republican members of Congress In the midst of the excitement produced by this book, both North and South, occurred the raid of John Brown into Virginia. This was undertaken for the avowed purpose of producing a servile insurrection among the slaves, and aiding them by military force in rising against their masters. John Brown was a man violent, lawless, and fanatical. Amid the troubles in Kansas he had distinguished himself, both by word and by deed, for boldness and cruelty. His ruling passion was to become the instrument of abolishing slavery, by the strong hand, throughout the slaveholding States. With him, this amounted almost. to insanity. Notwithstanding all this, he was so secret in his purposes that he had scarcely any confidants. This appears in a striking manner from the testimony taken before the Senate Committee. Reports of Senate Committee, 1st Session 86th Cong
y engaged in this service, he says: To mitigate these evils, and to enable us to give a reasonable security to our people on Indian frontiers, measuring thousands of miles, I respectfully suggest an augmentation of at least one regiment of horse (dragoons, cavalry, or riflemen) and at least three regiments of foot (infantry or riflemen). This augmentation would not more than furnish the reenforcements now greatly needed in Florida, Texas, New Mexico, California, Oregon, Washington Territory, Kansas, Nebraska, and Minnesota, leaving not a company for Utah. Again, General Scott, in his report of November 13, 1858, says: Senate Executive Documents, 1858-59, vol. II., part 3, p. 761. This want of troops to give reasonable security to our citizens in distant settlements, including emigrants on the plains, cap scarcely be too strongly stated; but I will only add, that as often as we have been obliged to withdraw troops from one frontier in order to reeinforce another, the weakened po
that slaves are property, and like all other property their owners have a right to take them into the common Territories and hold them there under the protection of the Constitution. So far, then, as Congress is concerned, the objection is not to any thing they have already done, but to what they may do hereafter. It will surely be admitted that this apprehension of future danger is no good reason for an immediate dissolution of the Union. It is true that the Territorial Legislature of Kansas, on the 23d February, 1860, passed in great haste an act over the veto of the governor, declaring that slavery is and shall be for ever prohibited in this Territory. Such an act, however, plainly violating the rights of property secured by the Constitution, will surely be declared void by the judiciary, whenever it shall be presented in a legal form. Only three days after my inauguration the Supreme Court of the United States solemnly adjudged that this power did not exist in a Territo
f the 2d December, 1862, he says: This is most strange contrasted with information given to me last year, and a telegram just received from Washington and a high officer, not of the Ordnance Department, in these words and figures: Rhode Island, Delaware, and Texas had not drawn at the end of eighteen sixty (1860) their annual quotas of arms for that year, and Massachusetts, Tennessee, and Kentucky only in part. Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Kansas were by the order of the Secretary of War supplied with their quotas for eighteen sixty-one (1861) in advance, and Pennsylvania and Maryland in part. It is in vain that the General attempts to set up an anonymous telegram against the report of the committee. From what source did he derive the information given to him last year? And who was the author of the telegram? He does not say in either case. Surely before he gave this telegram to the world, under the sanction of his own name, he
ses where this was impracticable, were awarded, after advertisement, to the lowest bidder. And yet, in the face of all these facts, the administration of Mr. Buchanan has been charged with extravagance. Utah. In addition to the troubles in Kansas, President Buchanan, at an early period of his administration, was confronted by an open resistance to the execution of the laws in the Territory of Utah. All the offer of the United States, judicial and executive, except two Indian agents, had it may be proper to observe that Col. A. S. Johnston, of the 2d United States cavalry, was soon after substituted in the command for General Harney. This was done on the earnest request of Governor Walker, who believed that Harney's services in Kansas were indispensable.) The season was now so far advanced, and Utah was so distant, that doubts were entertained whether the expedition ought not to be delayed until the next spring. But the necessity for a prompt movement to put down the resis