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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,016 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 573 1 Browse Search
Colonel William Preston Johnston, The Life of General Albert Sidney Johnston : His Service in the Armies of the United States, the Republic of Texas, and the Confederate States. 458 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore) 394 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 392 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 384 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 304 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 258 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 256 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 244 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. You can also browse the collection for Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) or search for Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 62 results in 22 document sections:

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Hanks Rock spring farm Lincoln's birth Kentucky schools the journey to Indiana Pigeon Cr, was born in a log cabin in the backwoods of Kentucky on the 12th day of February, 1809. His fatheennsylvania to Virginia, and from Virginia to Kentucky; while collateral branches of the family even, Josiah, Mary, Nancy, and Thomas-he moved to Kentucky, then still a county of Virginia, in 1780, anmily estate went to Mordecai, the eldest son. Kentucky was yet a wild, new country. As compared witerty with a settler, and trudged back home to Kentucky, all the way on foot, to bring his wife and tew cabin, relatives and friends followed from Kentucky, and some of them in turn occupied the half-fhe autumn of 1819 Thomas Lincoln went back to Kentucky and married Sally Bush Johnston, whom he had aham was only in his eighth year when he left Kentucky, the little beginnings he had learned in the undant. Writing of his father's removal from Kentucky to Indiana, he says: He settled in an [1 more...]
bodily strength. In frontier life it is not only needed for useful labor of many kinds, but is also called upon to aid in popular amusement. There was a settlement in the neighborhood of New Salem called Clary's Grove, where lived a group of restless, rollicking backwoodsmen with a strong liking for various forms of frontier athletics and rough practical jokes. In the progress of American settlement there has always been a time, whether the frontier was in New England or Pennsylvania or Kentucky, or on the banks of the Mississippi, when the champion wrestler held some fraction of the public consideration accorded to the victor in the Olympic games of Greece. Until Lincoln came, Jack Armstrong was the champion wrestler of Clary's Grove and New Salem, and picturesque stories are told how the neighborhood talk, inflamed by Offutt's fulsome laudation of his clerk, made Jack Armstrong feel that his fame was in danger. Lincoln put off the encounter as long as he could, and when the wre
her sister Mrs. Able, and had passed about four weeks in New Salem, after which she returned to Kentucky. Three years later, and perhaps a year after Miss Rutledge's death, Mrs. Able, before starting for Kentucky, told Mr. Lincoln, probably more in jest than earnest, that she would bring her sister back with her on condition that he would become her-Mrs. Able's-brother-in-law. Lincoln, also proba, however, he was surprised to learn that Mary Owens had actually returned with her sister from Kentucky, and felt that the romantic jest had become a serious and practical question. Their first intewrote to his friend Mrs. Browning nearly a year later, after Miss Owens had finally returned to Kentucky, in which, without mentioning the lady's name, he gave a seriocomic description of what might bessage I ever received from him was about a year after we parted in Illinois. Mrs. Able visited Kentucky, and he said to her in Springfield, Tell your sister that I think she was a great fool because
Springfield society Miss Mary Todd Lincoln's engagement his deep despondency visit to Kentucky letters to Speed- the Shields duel marriage law partnership with Logan Hardin nominateed there from all parts of the State, there came into the Springfield circles Miss Mary Todd of Kentucky, twenty-one years old, handsome, accomplished, vivacious, witty, a dashing and fascinating figu member; and after its close his intimate friend Joshua F. Speed carried him off for a visit to Kentucky. The change of scene and surroundings proved of great benefit. He returned home about midsummproved, but not yet completely restored to a natural mental equipoise. While on their visit to Kentucky, Speed had likewise fallen in love, and in the following winter had become afflicted with doubted into neglect. He was so poor that he and his bride could not make the contemplated visit to Kentucky they would both have so much enjoyed. His national debt of the old New Salem days was not yet
at at that critical stage of his career must have seemed especially irritating, yet he preserved a most remarkable equanimity of temper. I regret my defeat moderately, he wrote to a sympathizing friend, but I am not nervous about it. We may fairly infer that while Mr. Lincoln was not nervous, he was nevertheless deeply impressed by the circumstance as an illustration of the grave nature of the pending political controversy. A letter written by him about half a year later to a friend in Kentucky, is full of such serious reflection as to show that the existing political conditions in the United States had engaged his most profound thought and investigation. That spirit, he wrote, which desired the peaceful extinction of slavery has itself become extinct with the occasion and the men of the Revolution. Under the impulse of that occasion, nearly half the States adopted systems of emancipation at once, and it is a significant fact that not a single State has done the like since.
astern States. It was even whispered that Seward wished Douglas to succeed as a strong rebuke to the Buchanan administration. The most potent expression and influence of this feeling came, however, from another quarter. Senator Crittenden of Kentucky, who, since Clay's death in 1852, was the acknowledged leader of what remained of the Whig party, wrote a letter during the campaign, openly advocating the reelection of Douglas, and this, doubtless, influenced the vote of all the Illinois Whigser man that may be said to be kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, the Vice-President, and of your own State, was also agreeing with the antislavery men in the North that Douglas ought to be reelected. Still to heighten the wonder, a senator from Kentucky, whom I have always loved with an affection as tender and endearing as I have ever loved any man, who was opposed to the antislavery men for reasons which seemed sufficient to him, and equally opposed to Wise and Breckinridge, was writing letter
tates delegates, and in a Senate debate Davis laid down the plain proposition, We want nothing more than a simple declaration that negro slaves are property, and we want the recognition of the obligation of the Federal government to protect that property like all other. Upon the reassembling of the Charleston convention at Baltimore, it underwent a second disruption on the fifth day; the Northern wing nominated Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, and the Southern wing John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky as their respective candidates for President. In the meanwhile, also, regular and irregular delegates from some twenty-two States, representing fragments of the old Whig party, had convened at Baltimore on May g and nominated John Bell of Tennessee as their candidate for President, upon a platform ignoring the slavery issue and declaring that they would recognize no other political principle than the Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws.
ry were right or wrong, extended or prohibited, and proposed to permit the people of a Territory to decide whether they would prevent or establish it. Its candidates were Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois for President, and Herschel V. Johnson of Georgia for Vice-President. 3. The Buchanan wing of the Democratic party, which declared that slavery was right and beneficial, and whose policy was to extend the institution, and create new slave States. Its candidates were John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky for President, and Joseph Lane of Oregon for Vice-President. 4. The Constitutional Union party, which professed to ignore the question of slavery, and declared it would recognize no political principles other than the Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws. Its candidates were John Bell of Tennessee for President, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for Vice-President. In the array of these opposing candidates and their platforms, it coul
ion of Habeas corpus the Annapolis route Butler in Baltimore Taney on the Merryman case Kentucky Missouri Lyon captures camp Jackson Boonville skirmish the Missouri convention Gamblned the Montgomery Confederacy-namely, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware-remained, however, more or less divided on the issue as it now presenteeling existed, it was too insignificant to produce any noteworthy public demonstration. In Kentucky the political struggle was deep and prolonged. The governor twice called the legislature toget intrigues proved equally abortive; and when, finally, in September, Confederate armies invaded Kentucky at three different points, the Kentucky legislature invited the Union armies of the West into tn and resources nearly doubled. But the northern tier of slave States-Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri--not only decidedly refused to join the rebellion, but remained true to the Union
times the area of Great Britain, with a coast-line of over thirty-five hundred miles, and an interior frontier of over seven thousand miles. Much less was it possible promptly to plan and set on foot concise military campaigns to reduce the insurgent States to allegiance. Even the great military genius of General Scott was unable to do more than suggest a vague outline for the work. The problem was not only too vast, but as yet too indefinite, since the political future of West Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri still hung in more or less uncertainty. The passive and negligent attitude which the Buchanan administration had maintained toward the insurrection during the whole three months between the presidential election and Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, gave the rebellion an immense advantage in the courts and cabinets of Europe. Until within three days of the end of Buchanan's term not a word of protest or even explanation was sent to counteract the impression that disunion was li
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