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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,016 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 573 1 Browse Search
Colonel William Preston Johnston, The Life of General Albert Sidney Johnston : His Service in the Armies of the United States, the Republic of Texas, and the Confederate States. 458 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore) 394 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 392 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 384 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 304 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 258 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 256 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 244 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) or search for Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) in all documents.

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tants of the territory, accompanied by a letter from William Henry Harrison, the governor (afterward President of the United States), had been under consideration nearly two years earlier. The prayer of these petitions was for a suspension of the sixth article of the ordinance, so as to permit the introduction of slaves into the territory. The whole subject was referred to a select committee of seven members, consisting of representatives from Virginia, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Kentucky, and New York, and the delegate from the Indiana territory. On the 14th of the ensuing February (1806), this committee made a report favorable to the prayer of the petitioners, and recommending a suspension of the prohibitory article for ten years. In their report the committee, after stating their opinion that a qualified suspension of the article in question would be beneficial to the people of the Indiana territory, proceeded to say: The suspension of this article is an object alm
by Congress. In the Senate the bills reported by the Committee on Territories were referred to a select committee of which Clay, the distinguished Senator from Kentucky, was chairman. From this committee emanated the bills which, taken together, are known as the compromise measures of 1850. With some others, I advocated the wo sections was exactly equal. The yeas were all cast by Southern Senators; the nays were all Northern except two from Delaware, one from Missouri, and one from Kentucky. However objectionable it may have been in 1820 to adopt that political line as expressing a geographical definition of different sectional interests, and hoymen while he yet lived! While the compromise measures of 1850 were pending, and the excitement concerning them was at its highest, I one day overtook Clay of Kentucky and Berrien of Georgia in the Capitol grounds. They were in earnest conversation. It was the 7th of March—the day on which Webster had delivered his great spee
on assembled in Chicago on May 16, 1860, to nominate a candidate for the presidency. It was a purely sectional body. There were a few delegates present, representing an insignificant minority in the border states, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri; but not one from any state south of the celebrated political line of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes. It had been the invariable usage with nominating conventions of all parties to select candidates for the presidency and vice pf Georgia. The convention representing the conservative, or state-rights, wing of the Democratic party (the president of which was the Hon. Caleb Cushing of Massachusetts) on the first ballot unanimously made choice of John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, then Vice-President of the United States, for the first office, and with like unanimity selected General Joseph Lane, then a Senator from Oregon, for the second. The resolutions of each of these two conventions denounced the action and policy
a triumphant party, and the determination to reap to the uttermost the full harvest of a party victory. Crittenden of Kentucky, the oldest and one of the most honored members of the Senate, Crittenden had been a life-long Whig. His first entrd early in the session, which it may be proper specially to mention. One of these was a resolution offered by Powell of Kentucky, which, after some modification by amendment, when finally acted upon, had taken the following form: Resolved, That , there has been little in the discussion this morning to cheer or illumine it. When the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky was presented—not very hopeful of a good result—I was yet willing to wait and see what developments it might produce. Tlly adopted on the 18th of December, and on the 20th the Committee was appointed, consisting of Powell and Crittenden of Kentucky, Hunter of Virginia, Toombs of Georgia, Davis of Mississippi, Douglas of Illinois, Bigler of Pennsylvania, Rice of Minne
proposition would be welcomed in Connecticut; and could we doubt of New Hampshire? But New York must be associated; and how is her concurrence to be obtained? She must be made the center of the Confederacy. Vermont and New Jersey would follow of course, and Rhode Island of necessity. Pickering to Cabot, Life of Cabot, pp. 338-340. Substituting South Carolina for Massachusetts; Virginia for New York; Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama, for New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island; Kentucky for New Jersey, etc., we find the suggestions of 1860-‘61 only a reproduction of those thus outlined nearly sixty years earlier. Pickering seems to have had a correct and intelligent perception of the altogether pacific character of the secession which he proposed, and of the mutual advantages likely to accrue to both sections from a peaceable separation. Writing in February, 1804, he explicitly disavows the idea of hostile feeling or action toward the South, expressing himself as follo
om the defense of violated charters and faithless aggression on inalienable rights, it might, a priori, be assumed that they would require something more potential than mere promises to protect them from human depravity and human ambition. That they did so is to be found in the debates both of the general and the state conventions, where state interposition was often declared to be the bulwark against usurpation. At an early period in the history of the federal government, the states of Kentucky and Virginia found reason to reassert this right of state interposition. In the first of the famous resolutions drawn by Jefferson in 1798, and with some modification adopted by the legislature of Kentucky in November of that year, it is declared that, whensoever the General Government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral party; that this Government, created by this compact, w
the governed, decided to withdraw from the union they had voluntarily entered, and the Northern states resolved to coerce them to remain in it against their will. These officers were—first, Samuel Cooper, a native of New York, a graduate of the United States Military Academy in 1815, and who served continuously in the army until March 7, 1861, with such distinction as secured to him the appointment of adjutant general of the United States army. Second, Albert Sidney Johnston, a native of Kentucky, a graduate of the United States Military Academy in 1826, served conspicuously in the army until 1834, then served in the army of the republic of Texas, and then in the United States Volunteers in the war with Mexico. Subsequently he reentered the United States army, and for meritorious conduct attained the rank of brevet brigadier general. After the secession of Texas, his adopted state, he resigned his commission in the United States army, May 3, 1861, and traveled by land from Califor
eutrality of the state: Commonwealth of Kentucky, Executive Department. Frankfort, August 19, d in military camps in the central portion of Kentucky. This movement was preceded by the active orr. Now, therefore, as Governor of the State of Kentucky, and in the name of the people I have tht, I do not believe it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be removed beyond her lagree to withdraw the Confederate troops from Kentucky, provided that she will agree that the troopsnot be allowed to enter or occupy any part of Kentucky in the future. I have the honor to be, resections voted for the neutrality and peace of Kentucky. The press, the public speakers, the candidaressor. Witness the fate of Morehead and his Kentucky associates in their distant and gloomy prisonpossession of the position. This invasion of Kentucky was an act of self-defense rendered necessarying their forces from western Virginia and east Kentucky, they have managed to add them to the new [86 more...]
oops restoration of forts Caswell and Johnson to the United States Government condition of Missouri similar to that of Kentucky hostilities, how initiated in Missouri agreement between Generals Price and Harney its favorable effects General Harment, not within the purview of the Constitution, or the Act of 1795—will not be complied with. Governor Magoffin of Kentucky replied: Your dispatch is received. In answer, I say emphatically, Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked pKentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States. Governor Harris of Tennessee replied: Tennessee will not furnish a single man for coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessary, for the defense of our rights, or those of our Southern brothers. s, and the republican institutions of the country. There was great similarity in the condition of Missouri to that of Kentucky. They were both border states, and, by their institutions and the origin of a large portion of their citizens, were id
, I hoped, make satisfactory changes. The authority to organize regiments into brigades and the latter into divisions is by law conferred only on the President; and I must be able to assume responsibility of the action taken by whomsoever acts for me in that regard. By reference to the law, you will see that, in surrendering the sole power to appoint general officers, it was nevertheless designed, as far as should be found consistent, to keep up the State relation of troops and generals. Kentucky has a brigadier, but not a brigade; she has, however, a regiment—that regiment and brigadier might be associated together. Louisiana had regiments enough to form a brigade, but no brigadier in either corps; all of the regiments were sent to that corps commanded by a Louisiana general. Georgia has regiments now organized into two brigades; she has on duty with that army two brigadiers, but one of them serves with other troops. Mississippi troops were scattered as if the State were unknown
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