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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 1 (search)
lcontent with their own country we call Frondeurs, from the faction in the days of the Reqence. These people were naturally ill-affected toward the progress of republicanism in Europe, and were quite unanimous in their want of sympathy with the uprisings of 1848. They were as much perplexed with fear of change as kings or any privileged orders. Life of Ticknor, vol. II. pp. 230, 234, 236. Sumner wrote to his brother in 1852: You must not confound the opinion of Boston with that of Massachusetts. The Commonwealth is for Kossuth; the city is against him. The line is broadly drawn. The same line is run between my political supporters and opponents. The city is bigoted, narrow, provincial, and selfish; the country has more the spirit of the American Revolution. One cannot but note a certain type in the portraits of the Boston men of this period as they hang in private houses, libraries, and museums, where they appear like strong-featured, and, as Mr. Webster called them, soli
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
lcome lecturers in the towns and cities of Massachusetts, as well as in other places in New Englandthe spirit of caste which then lingered in Massachusetts, it may be mentioned that the lyceum at Nenguished presence of any one of his age in Massachusetts. He was described in 1850 as wearing a dald Republican, and other newspapers in western Massachusetts, gave sympathetic notices of the addre He says that his studies of the cases in Massachusetts will enable him to present some curious getes, and especially in the Constitution of Massachusetts, and maintained that before that principle, Courier, April 17, 1847; The Position of Massachusetts, viewed in the light of the division in thte to his brother, July 17: The offices in Massachusetts have all gone most rigorously according toand many others on political resistance in Massachusetts to slavery; with David Dudley Field on the . . . Your appeal to the great Senator of Massachusetts gave me a thrill of delight. Would God he[1 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 31: the prison—discipline debates in Tremont Temple.—1846-1847. (search)
lating a general interest in the subject. These were held on the last week in May, known as Anniversary Week, when, according to ancient custom, the people of Massachusetts gather in Boston to attend various meetings in behalf of religious and benevolent objects. Crowds at such a season go from church to church, from hall to hall which the separation of convicts should be carried, is rather one for specialists than for a popular assembly. It was not at the time a practical question in Massachusetts. The issue in the Society was even narrower than a theoretic choice between the two systems, and as put by Sumner was only one of candor and good faith in the Lieber that it was singularly able, and calculated to produce a strong impression. It practically ended the discussion, and no subsequent effort was made in Massachusetts to enlist public sentiment in behalf of the Pennsylvania system. The controversy did not disturb the personal relations of Sumner and Gray, and the latter's p
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
ould soil the hem of the white garments of Massachusetts! He wrote to Lieber, Nov. 17, 1845:— e vote. Of the only two Whig members from Massachusetts who voted for it,—one was Abbott, of the E, among the Whig members some—as Hudson of Massachusetts, Corwin of Ohio, Severance of Maine, and Ghat the time has arrived when the Whigs of Massachusetts, the party of freedom, owe it to their decs can stand alone if need be. The Whigs of Massachusetts can stand alone. Their motto should not bhe resolutions, one of which affirmed that Massachusetts would never consent on the conclusion of ainadequately represented the sentiments of Massachusetts on the slavery question, as declared in thhood, as a sacrifice of the old pledges of Massachusetts, and as showing an ambiguous and trimming or than ever on the antislavery leaders of Massachusetts, and treated them sharply on different occns of his veteran colleague, Mr. Adams, to Massachusetts. During the whole of 1847 and until the n[39 more...
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
en subordinate to, material questions. In Massachusetts the support which Webster received as a caion to slavery. Some of his associates in Massachusetts would have accepted Webster; E. R. Hoarntier colonel The antislavery Whigs of Massachusetts, anticipating the result of the Whig conveAugust. The two protesting delegates from Massachusetts upon their return home addressed their consymptoms now of rebellion in New York. In Massachusetts we have called a convention for June 28 toddings, and Samuel Lewis of Ohio; Adams of Massachusetts; and Preston King, Benjamin F. Butler, D. s its reputed author. The Free Soilers of Massachusetts proved to be men of extraordinary vitalitys one or two other points in that State In Massachusetts he spoke at Central Hall, Boston, Septembee with us! I think the Free Soil party of Massachusetts is the best political party of its size thnstinct of property has proved stronger in Massachusetts than the instinct of freedom. The money-p[27 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
es, but there is slavery in the Union; and Massachusetts is yet in the Union, tank God! It was d measures, was a surprise to the people of Massachusetts. It was in conflict with the principles t post, p. 215. Still, Webster's efforts in Massachusetts in 1846 and 1847 to prevent slavery becomisterner than when he said interrogatively, Massachusetts must conquer her prejudices. Instead of trif it were no matter of her concern, which Massachusetts took in the seizure of negroes in Pennsylvo had been taken under process of law from Massachusetts for a generation; but when they followed qpp. 433, 434; vol. VI. pp. 559. 560, 561. Massachusetts grows fervid over Pennsylvania wrongs; whionly to illustrate the state of affairs in Massachusetts at this time. Contemporary writers suggbut it made also a political revolution in Massachusetts. If Webster had spoken as he had hithertohich the antislavery leaders and masses in Massachusetts felt towards him from March 7, 1850, till [1 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
0; Courier, March 11. and by the people of Massachusetts with surprise and indignation. His biog He can hardly dare confront the people of Massachusetts at the next election, as he must do if he on's death in 1862. The Free Soilers of Massachusetts made their protest against the Compromiseto the people, and my hope is to create in Massachusetts such a public opinion as will render the lance attached to the election. Throughout Massachusetts, and even in other States, there have beenus from consolidating a permanent party in Massachusetts,—not by coalition, but by fusion of all whre are many thousands of hearts outside of Massachusetts which have thrilled with deep and unexpecthink it will be the most powerful organ in Massachusetts. In the coming contest its influence musteber, June 25:— We have before us in Massachusetts a very bitter period of political strife, inciples, seems to exist nowhere except in Massachusetts. Had the Barnburners kept aloof from the [26 more...]<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
ing curiosity to hear the new senator from Massachusetts; and when he rose late in the afternoon ofor a long time. A political opponent from Massachusetts, heretofore unsparing in criticisms, who wto the mass of his political supporters in Massachusetts. They were pleased that he had acquitted est in the question, and what there was in Massachusetts arose chiefly from its relation to the new. Sumner, the Free Democratic senator from Massachusetts, had visited me in prison shortly after hime will come for me; but it is not now. of Massachusetts; and the resolution was laid aside withoud. Meanwhile the Compromise journals in Massachusetts were charging that his attempt in July wasfullness and frankness of the senator from Massachusetts. I thank him for this full and fair expos Slave Act. . . .What has the senator from Massachusetts asserted? That the fugitive-servant clausater he referred to the other senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Davis), who has the fortune to be a g[10 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
t of friends. The senatorial question [in Massachusetts] gives the corning canvass a peculiar impofeel the advantage of keeping our force in Massachusetts together; and I am ready for any course byl principles can be permanently secured in Massachusetts. Your energy and counsels are valuable, aior to nothing in the political history of Massachusetts, and far beyond anything from Shaw, shows the people will mark an era of progress in Massachusetts. The liberal cause in every form will der the convention. An eminent lawyer of southern Massachusetts, T. G. Coffin, who had been familiar with the efforts of public speakers in Massachusetts for thirty years, writing nearly four months aftest between the Whigs and Free Soilers of Massachusetts, with those names and organizations, had bhase, who followed closely the politics of Massachusetts, wrote from Ohio:— I mourn our loss in Massachusetts; but you individually acquitted yourself most nobly. That is a great consolation [12 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
, rampant in their restoration to power in Massachusetts, were clamoring for his resignation as a snd; in fact, we must call him [Sumner] the Massachusetts senator. George Livermore, of Cambridge, sm and high resolves of this hour; but now Massachusetts from the ocean to her most western hill st Everett and himself as representatives of Massachusetts in the Senate. Houston also appealed to h in a moral point of view the senator from Massachusetts could not, in view of his declaration that while thus repelling insinuations against Massachusetts, and assumptions for slavery, I would not when I openly declare that, as senator of Massachusetts, and as man, I place myself at every pointrovoked an oath or a sneer. All who loved Massachusetts were proud of him as her vindicator. Frominfluence felt in its early proceedings in Massachusetts. Others of them, after the failure of the and also in the newspapers. No papers in Massachusetts now mention my name except with kind words[43 more...]
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