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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 836 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 690 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 532 0 Browse Search
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army 480 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 406 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 350 0 Browse Search
Wiley Britton, Memoirs of the Rebellion on the Border 1863. 332 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 322 0 Browse Search
Col. John M. Harrell, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.2, Arkansas (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 310 0 Browse Search
Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 294 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Missouri (Missouri, United States) or search for Missouri (Missouri, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 266 results in 26 document sections:

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e to a Select Committee of the memorials from Missouri, including that of her Territorial Legislaturther introduction of slaves into the new State of Missouri, and to emancipate, at the age of twenty was considered in Committee the next day, Missouri impatiently awaited admission. as also on thenion, with a rider, authorizing the people of Missouri to form a State Constitution, etc.--the conneh appended to it the provision for organizing Missouri. An attempt to shake this off was defeated bority in the House to secure the admission of Missouri as a Slave State. It was first proposed in t the Senate should give up its combination of Missouri with Maine; that the House should abandon itsI., p. 451. though, at the next Session, when Missouri presented herself for admission as a State, wState, says that Mr. Scott, the Delegate from Missouri at the time of her admission, told him that Mdmitted State. And thus closed the memorable Missouri controversy, which had for two years disturbe[12 more...]
es. Delaware, though a Slave State, long since did. and still does, the same. The North emerged from the Missouri struggle chafed and mortified. It felt that, with Right and Power both on its side, it had been badly beaten, through the treachery of certain of its own representatives, whom it proceeded to deal with accordingly. Few, indeed — hardly one--of those Northern members who had sided with the South in that struggle were reflected. That lesson given, what more could be done? Missouri was in the Union, and could not be turned out. Arkansas was organized as a Slave Territory, and would in due time become a Slave State. What use in protracting an agitation which had no longer a definite object? Mr. Monroe had just been reflected President, and the harmony of the party would be disturbed by permitting the feud to become chronic. Those who perpetuated it would be most unlikely to share bounteously in the distribution of Federal offices and honors. Then a new Presidential
tes will not dare to avow their opinions. It would be instant death to them.--Missouri Argus. And Mr. Preston, of South Carolina, who once delivered a speech at cloud of evil portent, darkening all our prospects. Let this be removed, and Missouri would at once start forward in the race of improvement, with an energy and rapven in France, this right most certainly does not exist. But does it exist in Missouri? We decide this question by turning to the Constitution of the State. The sixteenth section, article thirteenth, of the Constitution of Missouri, reads as follows: That the free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluas true; but I am not one. I am a citizen of these United States, a citizen of Missouri, free-born; and, having never forfeited the inestimable privileges attached tohrough their State, and the trade of the slaveholding States, and particularly Missouri, must stop. Every one who desires the harmony of the country, and the peace an
e having proved abortive, Mr. Moses Austin--a native of Connecticut settled in Missouri--tried a new tack. Representing himself as a leader and mouth-piece of a bandtion as Vice-President in '32, and as President in '36. Virginia, Alabama, and Missouri also supported Mr. Van Buren. Gen. Harrison was inaugurated on the 4th of Marcrolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, and Arkansas--fifteen States, casting 170 electoral votes. The popular votesd in such State or States as may be formed out of said territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, Slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime) shall be in such State or States as shall be formed out of said territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, Slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime) shall be opposition of Messrs. Niles, of Connecticut, Dix, of New York, and Benton, of Missouri, was deemed invincible; but the Alabamian was tamed by private, but unquestion
tants thereof respectively. When this Article was under consideration, the delegates from South Carolina moved to amend by inserting the word white between free and inhabitants; which was emphatically negatived — only two States voting for it: so it was determined that States had, or might have, citizens who were not white, and that these should be entitled to all the privileges of citizens in every other State. We have seen Page 80. that Congress, in 1821, resisted the attempt of Missouri to prohibit the immigration of free colored persons, deeming it a palpable violation of that requirement of the Federal Constitution above quoted; and would not admit that State into the Union until, by a second compromise, she was required to pledge herself that her Legislature should pass no act by which any of the citizens of either of the States should be excluded from the enjoyment of the privileges and immunities to which they are entitled under the Constitution of the United States.
tory with the great advantage of prior possession. Virginia, which claimed the ownership of most of the territory North-west of the Ohio, and between that river and the Mississippi, was a Slave State, and her outlying territories, it might fairly be argued, inherited her domestic institutions; Alabama and Mississippi were, in like manner, constructively slaveholding at the outset, by virtue of the laws of North Carolina and Georgia, from which States they were cut off. Louisiana (including Missouri) had come to us slaveholding from France; so had Florida from Spain; while Texas had been colonized and revolutionized mainly by Southerners, who imprinted on her their darling institution before we had any voice in the matter. In the case of each, it had been plausibly and successfully contended that their Slavery was no concern of ours — that it was established and legalized before we were empowered to speak in the matter, and must be upheld until those more immediately interested should
zed territory aforesaid and added to the State of Missouri, forming in due time the fertile and popme a State--lies immediately west of the State of Missouri. It is only a question of time, whetherthat portion of Kansas which adjoins the State of Missouri, and, in fact, nearly all the accessibleg or meetings intended to establish a sort of Missouri preemption upon all this region. Among the r legal, while 1,729 were cast by residents of Missouri. At one poll, known as 110, 604 votes were c David R. Atchison, then a U. S. Senator from Missouri, in a speech in Platte County, Mo., a few weeinstitutions. Should each county in the State of Missouri only do its duty, the question will be d at the ballot-box. If we are defeated, then Missouri and the other Southern States will have shown elected to the Legislature were residents of Missouri at the time. These details might be continueohn Sherman, of Ohio, and Mordecai Oliver, of Missouri, who immediately proceeded to Kansas, and the[38 more...]
, was, previously to 1834, held as a slave in Missouri by Dr. Emerson, a surgeon in the U. S. Army. down the Mississippi, but still north of the Missouri line; Lizzie, seven years later, at Jefferson Barracks, in the State of Missouri. The doctor, with Dred, Harriet, and Eliza, returned thence to by it was to be adjudged by the tribunals of Missouri alone; and he concludes as follows: Upon at the plaintiff in error is not a citizen of Missouri, in the sense in which that word is used in tion, the plaintiff cannot sue as a citizen of Missouri in the courts of the United States. But, thaars been exercising jurisdiction from the Western Missouri line to the Rocky Mountains, and, on thisction of Congress in 1821 on the admission of Missouri, whereby that State was constrained to abando, nor anything in the Constitution or laws of Missouri, could confer or take away any privilege or ie United States and his residence in the State of Missouri, the plea to the jurisdiction was bad, a[1 more...]
gress; June 22, 1826. and Mr. Anderson, then Minister to Colombia, when at Carthagena on his way to Panama, was attacked by a malignant fever, whereof he died. But, long ere this, the jealousy of the slaveholders had been aroused, and their malign influence upon the course of our Government made manifest. Among the means employed to render the Panama Congress odious at the South, was the fact that John Sergeant, the more conspicuous of our envoys, had sternly opposed the admission of Missouri as a Slave State. And then, to cap the climax, John Sergeant, too, must go-- A chief who wants the darkies free-- John Adams' son, my Jo! --Federal song in The Richmond Enquirer. The Spanish-American Republics had already decreed general emancipation; and fears were naturally expressed that they would extend this policy to Cuba, should they, as was then contemplated, combine to invade and conquer that island. Mr. Clay had already April 27, 1825. written as Secretary of Stat
ulted, and plundered, by gangs of marauding ruffians from Missouri, that they found it impossible to remain without arms, anuitous land route through Nebraska and Iowa; that through Missouri being closed against Free-State men. He took a fugitive snderance of the Free-State settlers, rendering raids from Missouri, whether to carry elections or devastate settlements, toond-cry for rescue. A furious excitement throughout Western Missouri inevitably followed. The Governor offered a reward oas reported that the slave population of the two adjacent Missouri counties was diminished from five hundred to fifty within, where his twelve blacks--one of them born since he left Missouri--were legally, as well as practically, free. All of themtaken the horses with the slaves whom he liberated in Western Missouri, finding it necessary to his success that the slaves ng of that matter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri, and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on e
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