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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 836 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 690 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 532 0 Browse Search
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army 480 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 406 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 350 0 Browse Search
Wiley Britton, Memoirs of the Rebellion on the Border 1863. 332 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 322 0 Browse Search
Col. John M. Harrell, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.2, Arkansas (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 310 0 Browse Search
Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 294 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for Missouri (Missouri, United States) or search for Missouri (Missouri, United States) in all documents.

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hich ceded and those which received that extensive domain. In the other case, Missouri and the whole region affected by the Missouri Compromise were parts of the ter occurred the memorable contest with regard to the admission into the Union of Missouri, the second state carved out of the Louisiana Territory. The controversy arosxisting slaves would not be affected by their removal from the older states to Missouri; and moreover, that the proposed restriction would be contrary to the spirit, ight be permitted to reside in the proposed new State; and whether Congress or Missouri possessed the power to decide. Notwithstanding all this the restriction was ady lying north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, north latitude, except Missouri—by implication leaving the portion south of that line open to settlement eithet, under the conviction that it was unauthorized by the Constitution, and that Missouri was entitled to determine the question for herself, as a matter of right, not
to be the opening of Pandora's box. The vote in the Senate on the proposition to continue the line of the Missouri Compromise through the newly acquired territory to the Pacific was twenty-four yeas to thirty-two nays. Reckoning Delaware and Missouri as Southern states, the vote of the two sections was exactly equal. The yeas were all cast by Southern Senators; the nays were all Northern except two from Delaware, one from Missouri, and one from Kentucky. However objectionable it may havMissouri, and one from Kentucky. However objectionable it may have been in 1820 to adopt that political line as expressing a geographical definition of different sectional interests, and however it may be condemned as the assumption by Congress of a function not delegated to it, it is to be remembered that the act had received such recognition and quasi-ratification by the people of the states as to give it a value which it did not originally possess. Pacification had been the fruit borne by the tree, and it should not have been recklessly hewed down and cas
generosity and patriotism of Virgina led her, before the adoption of the Constitution, to cede the Northwest Territory to the United States. The Missouri Compromise surrendered to the North all the newly acquired region not included in the state of Missouri, and north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees and a half. The northern part of Texas was in like manner given up by the compromise of 1850; and the North, having obtained, by those successive cessions, a majority in both houses of Congrincrease of its preponderance appeared more and more distinctly a tendency in the federal government to pervert functions delegated to it, and to use them with sectional discrimination against the minority. The resistance to the admission of Missouri as a state in 1820 was evidently not owing to any moral or constitutional considerations, but merely to political motives; the compensation exacted for granting what was simply a right was the exclusion of the South from equality in the enjoymen
t, claim to have done their full share in the war that ensued. By the exclusion of the South, in 1820, from all that part of the Louisiana purchase lying north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, and not included in the state of Missouri; by the extension of that line of exclusion to embrace the territory acquired from Texas; and by the appropriation of all the territory obtained from Mexico under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, both north and south of that line, it may ben Chicago on May 16, 1860, to nominate a candidate for the presidency. It was a purely sectional body. There were a few delegates present, representing an insignificant minority in the border states, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri; but not one from any state south of the celebrated political line of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes. It had been the invariable usage with nominating conventions of all parties to select candidates for the presidency and vice presidency, one
he present condition of the country, and report by bill or otherwise. The other was a resolution offered by Green of Missouri, to the following effect: Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the propriety the ground that that would be making war on the States; and, though I know the good purpose of my honorable friend from Missouri is only to give protection to constitutional rights, I fear his proposition is to rear a monster, which will break the ft therefore must maintain, not destroy, barriers. I do not know that I fully appreciate the purpose of my friend from Missouri; whether, when he spoke of establishing military posts along the borders of the States, and arming the Federal Governmenviding, under the name of Union, to carry on a war against States; and I care not whether it be against Massachusetts or Missouri, it is equally objectionable to me; and I will resist it alike in the one case and in the other, as subversive of the gr
ts favor was defeated by only a small majority, and that on the ground of expediency. At a still later period, abolitionist lecturers and teachers were mobbed, assaulted, and threatened with tar and feathers in New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and other states. One of them (Lovejoy) was actually killed by a mob in Illinois as late as 1837. These facts prove incontestably that the sectional hostility which exhibited itself in 1820, on the application of Missouri for admission into the Union, which again broke out on the proposition for the annexation of Texas in 1844, and which reappeared after the Mexican war, never again to be suppressed until its fell results had been fully accomplished, was not the consequence of any difference on the abstract question of slavery. It was the offspring of sectional rivalry and political ambition. It would have manifested itself just as certainly if slavery had existed in all the states, or if there had not be
bjections made by its adversaries. Those objections were refuted and silenced, until revived long afterward, and presented as the true interpretation, by the school of which Judge Story was the most effective founder. At an earlier period—but when he had already served for several years in Congress, and had attained the full maturity of his powers— Webster held the views which were presented in a memorial to Congress of citizens of Boston, December 15, 1819, relative to the admission of Missouri, drawn up and signed by a committee of which he was chairman, and which also included among its members Josiah Quincy. He speaks of the states as enjoying the exclusive possession of sovereignty over their own territory, calls the United States the American Confederacy, and says, The only parties to the Constitution, contemplated by it originally, were the thirteen confederated States. And again: As between the original States, the representation rests on compact and plighted faith; and y
has been proved by the course of that Government in the States of Maryland and Missouri, and more recently in Kentucky itself, in which, as you inform me, a military That position was doubly important because it commanded the opposite shore in Missouri and was the gateway on the border of Tennessee. Two states of the Confederaernor of Kentucky, and his subsequent letter to the Kentucky commissioners. Missouri, like Kentucky, had wished to preserve peaceful relations in the contest which other acts of invasion, the Federal troops had occupied Belmont, a village in Missouri opposite to Columbus, and with artillery threatened that town, inspiring terrowere thrown across the Mississippi to occupy and hold the village, in the state of Missouri, then an ally, and soon to become a member, of the Confederacy. On Novemto command our Department of the West, which included the states of Tennessee, Missouri, Arkansas, the Indian country, and the western part of Mississippi. General
eeding, an effort was made by the governor of Missouri to preserve the rights of the state without d that in accordance with the laws of the State of Missouri, which have been existing for some yearsce of the United States should not be used in Missouri except in case of necessity, together with thwere made to send troops into the interior of Missouri. During the days this order was held for hisoval from Montgomery, in regard to affairs in Missouri, the far west of the Confederacy. The statonable complaints, under the supposition that Missouri was generally neglected, and her favorite offd realized that his wishes for the defense of Missouri were fully reciprocated by the executive of tsted in the correspondence between us, before Missouri had tendered any troops to the Confederate Stim that caused me to write to the governor of Missouri on December 21, 1861, stating to him my anxiersuits for the purposes of war, the people of Missouri did not then realize the value of preparation[43 more...]
that in this litigation we must never be plaintiffs? Surely this can not have been the intention of the framers of our compact. In no respect in which I can view this law can I find just reason to distrust the propriety of my action in approving and signing it; and the question presented involves consequences, both immediate and remote, too momentous to permit me to leave your objections unanswered. Jefferson Davis. The operation of this law was suspended in the states of Kentucky, Missouri, and Maryland, because of their occupation by the armies of the federal government. The opposition to it, where its execution was continued, soon became limited, and before June 1st its good effects were seen in the increased strength and efficiency of our armies. At the same time I was authorized to commission officers to form bands of Partisan rangers, either of infantry or cavalry, which were subsequently confined to cavalry alone. On September 27, 1862, all white men between the ages
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