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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 644 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 128 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 104 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 74 0 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 66 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 50 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 50 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 50 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 48 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 42 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) or search for New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) in all documents.

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into any part of the United States from and after the first day of January, 1808. This act was passed with great unanimity. In the House of Representatives there were one hundred thirteen (113) yeas to five (5) nays; it is a significant fact, as showing the absence of any sectional division of sentiment at that period, that the five dissentients were divided as equally as possible between the two sections, two of them being from Northern and three from Southern states. One was from New Hampshire, one from Vermont, two from Virginia, and one from South Carolina.—Benton's Abridgment, Vol. III, p. 519. No division on the final vote in the Senate. The slave trade had thus been finally abolished some months before the birth of the author of these pages, and has never since had legal existence in any of the United States. The question of the maintenance or extinction of the system of negro servitude already existing in any state was one exclusively belonging to such state. I
and commerce of the latter. . . . It [the separation] must begin in Massachusetts. The proposition would be welcomed in Connecticut; and could we doubt of New Hampshire? But New York must be associated; and how is her concurrence to be obtained? She must be made the center of the Confederacy. Vermont and New Jersey would foickering to Cabot, Life of Cabot, pp. 338-340. Substituting South Carolina for Massachusetts; Virginia for New York; Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama, for New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island; Kentucky for New Jersey, etc., we find the suggestions of 1860-‘61 only a reproduction of those thus outlined nearly sixty years eahosen by the legislatures of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, with an irregular or imperfect representation from the other two New England states, New Hampshire and Vermont, Maine was not then a state. convened for the purpose of considering the grievances complained of by those states in connection with the war wi
ouri question, when the subject first took a sectional shape, the abolition of slavery was proposed and earnestly debated in the Virginia legislature, and its advocates were so near the accomplishment of their purpose, that a declaration in its favor was defeated by only a small majority, and that on the ground of expediency. At a still later period, abolitionist lecturers and teachers were mobbed, assaulted, and threatened with tar and feathers in New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and other states. One of them (Lovejoy) was actually killed by a mob in Illinois as late as 1837. These facts prove incontestably that the sectional hostility which exhibited itself in 1820, on the application of Missouri for admission into the Union, which again broke out on the proposition for the annexation of Texas in 1844, and which reappeared after the Mexican war, never again to be suppressed until its fell results had been fully accomplished, was not the conseq
s of other states, to discuss upon such alterations and provisions, agreeable to the general principles of republican government, as they shall think proper to render the Federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of the Government and the preservation of the Union, and to report such alterations and provisions as may be agreed to by a majority of the United States in convention, to the Congress of the United States and to the General Assembly of this State. The General Court of New Hampshire authorized and empowered the deputies of that state, in conference with those of other states, to discuss and decide upon the most effectual means to remedy the defects of our Federal Union, and to procure and secure the enlarged purposes which it was intended to effect—language almost identical with that of North Carolina, but, like the other states in general, instructed them to report the result of their deliberations to Congress for the action of that body, and subsequent confirmatio
tes do not retain every power not expressly relinquished by them and vested in the General Government of the Union. The delegates of the people of the State of New Hampshire, in convention on June 21, in the name and behalf of the people of the State of New Hampshire, declared their approval and adoption of the Constitution. State of New Hampshire, declared their approval and adoption of the Constitution. In this state, also, the opposition was formidable (the final vote being 57 to 46), and, as in South Carolina, it was explicitly declared that all powers not expressly and particularly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution are reserved to the several States, to be by them exercised. The debates in the Virginia convention wereother states, by the delegates of the people of Virginia, . . . in the name and in behalf of the people of Virginia. In so doing, however, like Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and South Carolina, Virginia demanded certain amendments as a more explicit guarantee against consolidation, and accompanied the demand with the following dec
when John Stark, of Bennington memory, was before the Revolution engaged in a hunting expedition in the Indian country, he was captured by the savages and brought to Albany, in the colony of New York, for a ransom; inasmuch as he belonged to New Hampshire, however, the government of New York took no action for his release. There was not even enough community of feeling to induce individual citizens to provide money for the purpose. There were, however, local and partial confederacies amonglent to saying any people. The use of the correlatives one and another was the simple and natural way of stating this general proposition. One people applies, and was obviously intended to apply, to all cases of the same category—to that of New Hampshire, or Delaware, or South Carolina, or of any other people existing or to exist, and whether acting separately or in concert. It applies to any case, and all cases, of dissolution of political bands, as well as to the case of the British coloni
nd we can trace for ourselves the origin, and ascertain the exact significance, of that expression, We, the people, on which Patrick Henry thought the fate of America might depend, and which has been so grossly perverted in later years from its true intent. The original language of the preamble, reported to the convention by a committee of five appointed to prepare the Constitution, as we find it in the proceedings of August 6, 1787, was as follows: We, the people of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, do ordain, declare, and establish, the following Constitution for the government of ourselves and our posterity. There can be no question here what was meant: it was the people of the States, designated by name, that were to ordain, declare, and establish the compact of union for themselves and their poste
been conclusive, and should not have been unknown to Webster, for they are the language of Massachusetts, the state which he represented in the Senate, and of New Hampshire, the state of his nativity. The ratification of Massachusetts is expressed in the following terms: Commonwealth of Massachusetts The Convention, havingbehalf of the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, assent to and ratify the said Constitution for the United States of America. The ratification of New Hampshire is expressed in precisely the same words, save only the difference of date of the resolution of the legislature (or General Court) referred to, and also the use of the word state instead of commonwealth. Both distinctly accept it as a compact of the states with each other—which Webster, a son of New Hampshire and a Senator from Massachusetts, declared it was not; not only so, but he repudiated the very vocabulary from which the words expressing the doctrine were taken. It would not n
etained its sovereignty, freedom, and independence. Massachusetts—the state, I believe, of Motley's nativity and citizenship—in her original constitution, drawn up by men of those days, made this declaration: The people inhabiting the territory formerly called the Province of Massachusetts Bay do hereby solemnly and mutually agree with each other to form themselves into a free, sovereign, and independent body politic, or State, by the name of The Commonwealth of Massachusetts. New Hampshire, in her constitution, as revised in 1792, had identically the same declaration, except as regards the name of the state and the word state instead of commonwealth. Madison, one of the most distinguished of the men of that day and of the advocates of the Constitution, in a speech already once referred to, in the Virginia convention of 1788, explained that We, the people, who were to establish the Constitution, were the people of thirteen sovereignties. Elliott's Debates, Vol. III,
that instrument, but the particular one in which they substantially agreed, and upon which they most urgently insisted. Indeed, it is quite certain that the Constitution would never have received the assent and ratification of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, North Carolina, and perhaps other states, but for a well-grounded assurance that the substance of this amendment would be adopted as soon as the requisite formalities could be complied with. That amendment is in these words: Tntent and meaning of the provision, however, may be ascertained from an examination and comparison of the terms in which it was expressed by the various states which proposed it, and whose ideas it was intended to embody. Massachusetts and New Hampshire, in their ordinances of ratification, expressing the opinion that certain amendments and alterations in the said Constitution would remove the fears and quiet the apprehensions of many of the good people of this Commonwealth [State (New Hamps
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