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James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States., My first trip. (search)
free very bad, I tell ye, and may be will fight before long if they don't get freedom somehow. Dis country is de meanest country in de world. Did you ever live outside of South Carolina? No, sah, he said, nothing abashed by his recent decision, I never has bin out on it, but I knows dat nothina could be worse. I's been knocked about five or six years now very bad; but I won't stand it much longer; I'll run away the very firs' chance I gets. Massa, is a colored man safe in the State of New York? I replied that I believed that it now would be impossible, without a desperate and bloody contest between the municipal authorities and the people of New York, for a Southron to rethrust a slave as a brand into the burning, after he had once trod the soil of Manhattan Island. I thought that perhaps lie could lave done so as late as a year ago, but that he could not do it since the recent anti-slavery revival. (Abolitionism, at that time, had penetrated the theatres, and even the
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves., Lecture XII: the conservative influence of the African population of the South. (search)
to abandon those rights of conscience which are guaranteed to every citizen by the constitution of our country? Already, many of these schools are thus controlled, and a large portion of the citizens are thus being educated in the city and State of New York, and other places 1 But nothing of this sort can exist to any extent in the Southern States. So far as popular education is promoted in these States, it must be strictly Protestant education — Protestant, at least, in its main feature: thaociety. All this, however, and perhaps much more, is reserved for those States which repudiate this race. And still further, Is all this calculated to corrupt the purity of elections, as it has done in many sections of New England and the State of New York, and eminently so in the cities of New York and Cincinnati?--and is this evil also destined to reach the national Legislature, either directly, as the result of numerical strength, or indirectly, as the action of a powerful minority, holdin
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Vii. The Missouri struggle. (search)
all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory of the United States; and although, therefore, whilst the proposed State continued a part of our Territory, upon the footing of a Territorial government, it would have been competent for us, under the power expressly given to make needful rules and regulations--to have established the principle now proposed; yet the question assumes a totally different aspect when that principle is intended to apply to a State.--Benton's Abridgment. N. Y., 1858., vol. VI., p. 341. of Virginia. But this admission, however generally made, did not gain a single Southern vote for the policy of Restriction when the bill to organize Arkansas Territory was under consideration; where — on Mr. Walker, of North Carolina, in opposing that policy, gravely, and without the least suspicion of irony, observed: Let it not be forgotten that we are legislating in a free country, and for a free people. But the champions of Restriction, though less agile and
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 9 (search)
s labors, and subscribed for his periodical; and, in the course of a few days, they aided him to hold an anti-Slavery meeting, which was largely attended. At the close of his remarks, several clergymen expressed a general concurrence in his views. He extended his journey to New Hampshire and Maine, lecturing where he could, and obtaining some encouragement. He spoke also in the principal towns of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut; and, on his homeward route, traversed the State of New York, speaking at Poughkeepsie, Albany, Lundy's brief journal of this tour has been preserved; and, next to an entry running--On the 25th I arrived at Northampton, Mass., after 9 o'clock in the evening, and called at three taverns before I could get lodgings or polite treatment --we find the following: September 6th--At A<*>any, I made some acquaintances. Philanthrop sts are the slowest creatures breathing. They think forty times before they act. There is reason to fear that the
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xii. Texas and her Annexation. (search)
aive it, even if there was a general consent to the measure by all the States of the Union. I replied, in my first letter to Alabama, that, personally, I had no objection to Annexation. I thought that my meaning was sufficiently obvious, that I had no personal, individual, or private motives for opposing, as I have none for espousing, the measure — my judgment being altogether influenced by general and political considerations, which have ever been the guide of my public conduct. The State of New York was carried against him by the lean plurality of 5,106 in nearly 500,000 votes — the totals being, Clay, 232,482, Polk, 237,588, Birney, 15,812;--one-third of the intensely anti-Slavery votes thrown away on Birney would have given the State to Mr. Clay, and elected him. The vote of Michigan was, in like manner, given to Polk by the diversion of anti-Slavery suffrages to Birney; but New York alone would have secured Mr. Clay's election, giving him 141 electoral votes to 134 for his oppo
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 15 (search)
n up. Mr. Clay proposed the laying of this motion on the table, which was carried by 27 Yeas to 24 Nays. The Senate now proceeded, on motion of Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, to constitute a Select Committee of thirteen, to consider the questions raised by Mr. Clay's proposition, and also by resolves submitted a month later by Mr. Bell, of Tennessee; and on the 19th this Committee was elected by ballot and composed as follows: Mr. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Chairman. Messrs. Dickinson, of N. Y., Phelps, of Vt., Bell of Tenn., Cass, of Mich., Webster, of Mass., Berrien, of Ga., Cooper, of Pa., Downs, of La., King, of Ala., Mangum, of N. C., Mason, of Va., Bright, of Ind. Mr. Clay reported May 8th. from said Committee a recommendation, substantially, of his original proposition of compromise, save that he now provided for organizing Utah as a distinct Territory. His report recommended the following bases of a general Compromise: 1. The adm
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xvi. The era of Slave-hunting. (search)
been arrested as a fugitive, was rescued and escaped. In other cases, however, and conspicuously in those of Thomas Sims April 12, 1851. and Anthony Burns, May 27, 1854. the State and City authorities, the Judiciary, the Military, the merchants, and probably a decided majority of the citizens, approved and aided the surrender. There were cases, however, wherein the popular sentiment of the country was on the side of the hunted blacks — as was evinced at Syracuse, October 1, 1851. N. Y., in the rescue of Jerry Loguen, an alleged fugitive, from the hands of the authorities, and his protection by alternately hiding and forwarding him until he made his escape into Canada. At Christiana, Lancaster Co., Pa., September 11, 1851. where a considerable number of negroes were compactly settled, Edward Gorsuch, a Maryland slaveholder, who attempted, with two or three accomplices, to seize his alleged slaves, four in number, was resisted by the alarmed, indignant blacks, and receiv
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 17 (search)
m of principles for this Nominating Convention; and that we will nominate for President and Vice-President no men who are not in favor of interdicting the introduction of Slavery into territory north of 36° 30′ by Congressional action. This resolve was laid on the table, by 141 votes to 59. The anti-Nebraska delegates, to the number of about fifty, thereupon withdrew from the Convention. On the first ballot for President, Millard Fillmore, of New York, received 71 votes; George Law, of N. Y., 27; and there were 45 scattering. On the next ballot, Mr. Fillmore received 179 to 64 for all others, and was nominated. On the first ballot for Vice-President, Andrew Jackson Donelson, of Tennessee, received 181 votes to 24 scattering, and was unanimously nominated. The nomination of Mr. Fillmore was ratified by a Whig Convention, which met at Baltimore on the 17th of September--Edward Bates, of Missouri, presiding. Mr. Fillmore was absent in Europe when the American nomination was
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxi. The Presidential canvass of 1860. (search)
cratic National Convention of 1856 had decided that its successor should meet at Charleston, S. C., which it accordingly did, on the 23d of April, 1860. Abundant premonitions of a storm had already been afforded. One delegation from the State of New York had been chosen by the Convention which nominated State officers at Syracuse the preceding Autumn; while another had been elected by districts, under the auspices of Mr. Fernando Wood, then Mayor of the Commercial Emporium. The former was ons and associations amid whom they have lived for years, rolls up her eyes in holy horror when I would go to Africa, buy a savage, and introduce him to the blessings of civilization and Christianity. (Cheers arid laughter.) Capt. Rynders, of N. Y.--You can get one or two recruits from New York to join with you. The President.--The time of the gentleman has expired. (Cries of Go on! Go on! ) The President stated that, if it was the unanimous wish of the Convention, the gentleman cou
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxv. Peace Democracy—peace Conference. (search)
arrive at the basis of a peaceable separation [renewed cheers]; we can at least by discussion enlighten, settle, and concentrate the public sentiment in the State of New York upon this question, and save it from that fearful current, that circuitously, but certainly, sweeps madly on, through the narrow gorge of the enforcement of he public mind will rest satisfied in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction? This is the position I took, with 313,000 voters in the State of New York, on the 6th of November last. I shall not recede from it; having admitted that, in a certain contingency, the Slave States would have just and adequate causzen, and who can number the avenging darts that will cloud the heavens in the conflict that will ensue? [Prolonged applause.] What, then, is the duty of the State of New York? What shall we say to our people when we come to meet this state of facts? That the Union must be preserved. But if that cannot be, what then? Peaceable
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