hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,126 0 Browse Search
D. H. Hill, Jr., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 4, North Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 528 0 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 402 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 296 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 246 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 230 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 24. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 214 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 180 0 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 174 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 170 0 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) or search for North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 123 results in 29 document sections:

1 2 3
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 3 (search)
Massachusetts 68,007 15,155 Rhode Island 5,878 4,284 Connecticut 32,039 7,792 New York 18,331 3,304 New Jersey 10,726 6,055 Pennsylvania 25,608 7,357 Delaware 2,317 376 Maryland 13,912 4,127 Virginia 26,668 5,620 North Carolina 7,263   South Carolina 6,417   Georgia 2,679     Total 232,341 56,163 The number of slaves in the States respectively, at the time of the Revolution, is not known. But it may be closely approximated by the aid of the census of 1790, wherein the slave population is returned as follows: North. South. New Hampshire 158 Delaware 8,887 Vermont 17 Maryland 103,036 Rhode Island 952 Virginia 293,427 Connecticut 2,759 North Carolina 100,572 Massachusetts Massachusetts adopted a new State Constitution in 1780, to which a bill of rights was prefixed, which her Supreme Court soon after decided was inconsistent with the maintenance of Slavery, which had been thus abolished. none South Carolina 107,094
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 4 (search)
isproportionate advantage from its success. Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, each claimed, under their several charters, a right of almost infinite extensie river, and all jurisdiction over this. And it was presumed, at the close of the war, that North Carolina and Georgia would promptly make similar concessions of the then savage regions covered by thissippi, but which was then, and remained for some years thereafter, unceded to the Union by North Carolina and Georgia. This entire territory, ceded and to be ceded, was divided prospectively by the   Mr. Stone no, Virginia Mr. Jefferson ay, No.   Mr. Hardy no,   Mr. Mercer no, N. Carolina Mr. Williamson ay, Divided.   Mr. Spaight no, S. Carolina Mr. Read no, No.   Mr. Bertchell ay, Virginia Mr. Grayson ay, Ay.   Mr. R. H. Lee ay,   Mr. Carrington ay, North Carolina Mr. Blount ay, Ay.   Mr. Hawkins ay, South Carolina Mr. Kean ay, Ay.   Mr. Huger
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., V. The Convention and the Constitution. (search)
hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as it did by tile Tories. * * * Maryland and Virginia, ho said, had already prohibited the importation of slaves. North Carolina had done the same in substance. All this would be vain, if South Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to import. The Western people are already calling for slive; Massachusetts absent.--Ibid., p. 1392. No Slave-trade, no Union! Such was the short and sharp alternative presented by the delegates from those States. North Carolina was passive; Virginia and her more northern sisters more than willing to prohibit at once the further importation of Slaves; in fact, several, if not all, of the Constitution; because, as Mr. Madison says, they did not choose to admit the right of property in man. In the debate of Tuesday, July 29, 1788, in the North Carolina ratification convention, which was organized at Hillsborough, July 21, 1788: Mr. Iredell begged leave to explain the reason of this clause (last clause, S
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Vi. Slavery under the Constitution. (search)
t and comprehensive fugitive slave law. For this act, see Brightley's Digest, p. 294. North Carolina, on the 22d of December, 1789--one month after ratifying the Federal Constitution — passed aand peremptory conditions affixed to their respective sessions of their western territory by North Carolina and Georgia, from continuing and perfecting the Jeffersonian policy of fundamental and imper The Senate referred the subject to a Select Committee of three, whereof Mr. Jesse Franklin, of N. C., was chairman; and Mr. Franklin, on the 13th of November, 1807, reported briefly against the petke up the patent right, and release the Southern States from so burthensome a grievance. North Carolina, to her honor be it recorded, in December, 1802, negotiated an arrangement with Mr. Whitney,ut the relatively frigid climate and superficially exhausted soil of Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina--wherein the greater number of slaves were originally held — were poorly, or not at all, ada
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Vii. The Missouri struggle. (search)
the power expressly given to make needful rules and regulations--to have established the principle now proposed; yet the question assumes a totally different aspect when that principle is intended to apply to a State.--Benton's Abridgment. N. Y., 1858., vol. VI., p. 341. of Virginia. But this admission, however generally made, did not gain a single Southern vote for the policy of Restriction when the bill to organize Arkansas Territory was under consideration; where — on Mr. Walker, of North Carolina, in opposing that policy, gravely, and without the least suspicion of irony, observed: Let it not be forgotten that we are legislating in a free country, and for a free people. But the champions of Restriction, though less agile and skillful of fence than their opponents, were by no means worsted in the argument. Here is a specimen of their logic, from the speech of John W. Taylor: February 15, 1819. Gentlemen have said the amendment is in violation of the treaty, because it imp
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 8 (search)
g died before his illustrious son was born; while the father of John C. Calhoun died when his son was still in his early teens. Each was by birth a South Carolinian; for, though General Jackson's birth-place is claimed by his biographers for North Carolina, he expressly asserted South Carolina Fellow-citizens of my native State! --appealing to South Carolinians in his Proclamation against the Nullifiers, Dec. 11, 1832. He can hardly have been mistaken on this head. to be his native State, ie of Georgia. The circumstances were briefly as follows: The once powerful and warlike Aboriginal tribes known to us as Cherokees and Creeks, originally possessed respectively large territories, which are now included within the States of North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabama. With those tribes, treaties were from time to time made by our Government, whereof each had for its main object the transfer, for a specified consideration, of lands by the Indians to the United States. One
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 9 (search)
s of Association between the colonies, one of which was a solemn agreement that we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the 1st of December next; being moved thereto by State action of like character, wherein Virginia and North Carolina were honorably conspicuous. Most of the States, accordingly, prohibited the Slave-Trade during or soon after the Revolution. Throughout the war for independence, the Rights of Man were proclaimed as the great objects of our struggle. Geners was likewise obtained against him on a civil suit, but never enforced. He remained forty-nine days in prison, during which his case excited much sympathy, a protest against his incarceration having been issued by the Manumission Society of North Carolina. At length, the fine and costs were paid by Arthur Tappan, then a wealthy and generous New York merchant, who anticipated, by a few days, a similar act meditated by Henry Clay. Separating himself from Lundy and The Genius, Mr. Garrison now
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 11 (search)
. February 16, 1836, both houses of the Virginia Legislature agreed to the following: Resolved, That the non-slaveholding States of the Union are respectfully but earnestly requested promptly to adopt penal enactments, or such other measures as will effectually suppress all associations within their respective limits purporting to be, or having the character of, Abolition societies. Resolutions, similar in spirit and demand, were adopted by the Legislatures of South Carolina, North Carolina, Alabama, and doubtless other Slave States. to which was now added the annihilation of Northern prosperity and consequence through a retributive withdrawal of Southern trade. The Richmond Whig, in the course of a fulmination against the Abolitionists, said: The people of the North must go to hanging these fanatics if they would not lose the benefit of the Southern trade, and they will do it. * * * Depend upon it, the Northern people will never sacrifice their present lucrative tra
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xii. Texas and her Annexation. (search)
Harrison was, therefore, on the whole, quite as acceptable, personally, to the Slave Power as Mr. Van Buren; and he received the votes of Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Louisiana. He failed, however, to win the favor of Mr. Calhoun, and so had no considerable support in South Carolina; the master-spirits of the party that his nomination should be defeated. To this end, before the Convention had been fully organized, Gen. R. M. Saunders, of North Carolina, moved the adoption of the rules and regulations of the Democratic National Conventions of May, 1832, and May, 1835, for the government of this body; his obje 134 for his opponent. As it was, Mr. Clay received the electoral votes of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee--105 in all, being those of eleven States; while Mr. Polk was supported by Maine, New Hampshire, New York, Pennsylvania, Virgin
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xiii. The Mission of Samuel Hoar. (search)
all other States. The assumption that negroes are not, and cannot be, citizens, is abundantly refuted by the action of several of the Slave States themselves. Till within a recent period, free negroes were not merely citizens, but electors, of those States--which all citizens are not, or need not be. John Bell, when first elected to Congress, in 1827, running out Felix Grundy, received the votes of several colored electors, and used, long after, to confess his obligation to them. North Carolina allowed her free negroes, who possessed the requisite qualifications in other respects, to vote, regardless of their color, down to about 1830. Their habit of voting for the Federal or Whig candidates, and against the Democratic, was a subject of frequent and jocular remark — the Whigs insisting that the instincts of the negro impelled him uniformly to associate, so far as practicable, with the more gentlemanly portion of the white race. In the year 1835, December 19th. the Legisl
1 2 3