Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) or search for Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) in all documents.

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eville; Hunt's and Edwards's (6 pieces) with the brigade of Col. Richardson, at Blackburn's Ford; and Carlisle's, Ayres's, and the 30-pounder (11 pieces) with the division of Gen. Tyler, at the stone bridge; Rickett's, Griffin's, Arnold's, the Rhode Island, and the 71st regiment batteries (24 pieces) accompanied the main column, which crossed Bull Run at Sudley's Springs. As soon as the column came in presence of the enemy after crossing Bull Run, I received from Gen. McDowell, in person, direc for nearly half an hour, when the howitzers of the 71st New York Militia came up, and went into battery on its left. A few minutes afterward, Griffin brought up his pieces at a gallop, and came into battery about 500 yards to the left of the Rhode Island and New York batteries. Rickett's battery came up in less than half an hour afterward, and was posted to the left of and immediately adjoining Griffin's. The enemy's right, which had been wavering from the moment Griffin opened fire upon it,
ructed abatis, or elaborate mantelets, such as Mr. Russell has perhaps seen in India or the Crimea, and nothing else, then it is very possible there were none upon the field; but if it is a battery of siege or light artillery, with or without entrenchments, so placed that it is entirely concealed by woods, underbrush, or artificial screens until the attacking force is close upon it, then I am one of thousands who can bear witness to the existence of several such upon the hill east of our (Rhode Island) field of action. I did not see either fortifications or cannon; but when a puff of smoke is seen to issue from a piece of woods, followed by a heavy report and a heavier ball — when this goes on for hours, the missiles ploughing up the earth in every direction, and sowing it broadcast with the dead, one is likely to conclude that there is something behind that screen of trees, and that something is my idea of a masked battery. Finally, he says, There were no desperate struggles excep
ere immediately ordered to fall back and lie down, as the discharge from the enemy's battery was very severe. The First and Second Rhode Island regiments, the Rhode Island battery, and the two howitzers opened fire on the enemy. One of the Rhode Island guns was immediately disabled by a shot from the enemy, and was carried off the field. The Seventy-first lay there as ordered, when an aid from Col. Burnside rode up and asked for the field officers. Col. Martin then ordered us forward. Pd conveyed to the hospital. His foot was amputated. During this time Drs. Foster, Swift, and Winston, of the Eighth New York; Dr. De Grant, Dr. Griswold, Dr. Buxton, and the doctor of the Fourth Maine; Dr. Stewart, of Minnesota; Harris, of Rhode Island, and four others whose names I did not learn, one of whom, I believe, was the surgeon of the West Point battery, were attending to the wounded of their respective regiments. Private Tyler, of the West Point battery, had his thigh amputated an
The ground which has been lost, must be regained. Victory must follow on the heels of defeat. Not an inch more must be yielded. The ranks must be filled up. The fifty thousand must be made a hundred thousand. For every regiment that has been broken up, two must appear straightway. Let no man lisp the word discouragement. Let us begin to-day. Let not an hour be lost. Let the Government say when and whence it wants men, and they shall be forthcoming. Such at least is the spirit of Rhode Island.--Providence Journal. What if the day be lost? All is not lost. It cannot be lost while we have confidence in the justice of our cause, and faith in Heaven. We seek not for the mere prestige of victory; we are warring not to decide the skill of rival generals, and the comparative prowess of Northern and Southern soldiery; we are seeking (with sword, it is true) to win back the blessings of peace in a Constitutional Union.--New Bedford Mercury. The disaster at Manassas Junction, w
ndition that they adopt a republican government. But if there be a doubt as to the power of Congress to legislate for the territories, is it not safer and more consistent with democratic principles to deny the power than to assume it? Some of the original States, when admitted into the Union, had not the population of a third-rate city of the present day, and no harm would be likely to arise by leaving the territories to themselves until they have doubled the population of Delaware or Rhode Island in 1780. But would it not be incomparably better to admit them into the Union as States, with a much less population, than to leave them to be a bone of contention among demagogues and disunionists, disturbing every essential interest of the country and jeopardizing the union of the existing States? Let us briefly consider the practical workings of the remedy for Southern wrongs, which you suggest, in case a black republican is elected to the presidency. You ask, Is it wise, if we do
the new Government, very carefully preserves the idea of a confederated Commonwealth, and the independent States that compose it. Either his ideas or mine are totally wrong upon this subject. In short, Mr. A. [Samuel Adams] in his prayer, and Mr. H. in his message, either understood not the force of the words they have used, or they have made the most insidious attack on the new Constitution that has yet appeared. With two such popular characters at the head of Massachusetts, so near to Rhode Island; with Governor Clinton at the head of New York, and Governor Henry in Virginia, so near to North Carolina, there is some reason to be jealous. A convulsion with such men engaged openly, or secretly, in favor of it, would be a serious evil. I hope, however, that my fears are groundless, and have too much charity for all of them to imagine that they mean to disturb the peace of our Israel. With great regard, I am, Sir, your most obt. John Adams. General Lincoln. --Boston Advert
is that of Luther and Borden, in 7 Howard, 1. In 1842 a controversy arose in Rhode Island between the existing charter Government and one alleged by its supporters tornment, and it would be the duty of Congress to overthrow it. But the law of Rhode Island evidently contemplated no such government. It was intended merely for the cdetermine what degree of force the crisis demands. And if the government of Rhode Island deemed the armed opposition so formidable, and so ramified throughout the Strom the one before us. An effort was there made to destroy the government of Rhode Island by means of an armed rebellion. It was deemed by the State to be so formidaand is as necessary to the States of this Union as to any other Government. Rhode Island was then in a state of war, and the established government resorted to the rat in that instance martial law was declared by the legislative authority of Rhode Island and not by its Executive. The reason for this was that such declaration was
ly apparent exception to this, among the original thirteen States, is in the case of North Carolina, by which the Constitution was not adopted until more than eight months after the government under the Constitution went into operation; and of Rhode Island, by which its adoption was postponed more than fourteen months after that event. Still, those States during the time they deliberated as to their consent to the new form of government, remained essentially a part of the Nation, performing no t that fourteen of the States have deliberately refused for years past to fulfil their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own statutes for the proof. * * * The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congress, or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these States the fugitive is discharged from the
peace seemed to be the policy of all parties, when Mr. Lincoln delivered his inaugural, and which left thirty millions of people in doubt whether it meant peace or war. Under this confidence in the restoration of peace, the prosperity of the country revived, Secession in the past languished, and Secession in the future was arrested by the course of Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee, all of which declared for the old Union. The national heart beat high with hope — the elections in Rhode Island, in New York, and in the western States gave abundant evidence that the people were resolved on the most ample, satisfactory, constitutional guarantees as the price of the restoration of the Union--then it was that a long and agonized howl came up from defeated and disappointed politicians. The newspaper press teemed with appeals and threats to the President; the mails groaned under the weight of letters demanding a change of policy, while a secret conclave of the Governors of the States
incorporated in the Declaration of Independence--that great principle that announced that Governments derive their just power from the consent of the governed. In the announcement of this principle, the delegation from Massachusetts, and from Rhode Island, and from Connecticut, and from all the Northern States, united with the delegates from the Old Dominion and from the Palmetto State, and from Georgia, the youngest and last of the Colonies, then not numbering more than fifty thousand of populby Great Britain, in the treaty of 1783, when each separate State was recognized as independent, we were not recognized by Great Britain as a nationality, but the independence of each Colony or State was recognized by itself--Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and Connecticut and Virginia, each one by itself; each one was separate, sovereign, and independent. They made a common cause to achieve individual and separate sovereign existence. After the Revolutionary war they entered into a constitu
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