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ves the distinction he enjoys, for he has redeemed the British flag on the ensanguined, burning plains of India. He has restored the glory of the British name in Asia. I honor him; Scotland, England, Wales, and Ireland are ours; for their counties as well as their countries; and their poets, orators, and statesmen, and their generals belong to our history as well as to theirs. I will never disavow Henry V. on the plains of Agincourt; never Oliver Cromwell on the fields of Marston Moor and Naseby; never Sarsfield on the banks of the Boyne. The glories and honors of Sir Colin Campbell are the glories of the British race and of the races of Great Britain and Ireland from whom we are descended. But what gained Sir Colin Campbell the opportunity to achieve those glorious results in India? Remember that, and let us see what it was. On one of those bloody battles fought by the British before the Fortress of Sebastopol — in the midst of the perils, the most perilous of all the battle-fi
f war only, but detractions rude, Guided by faith and matchless fortitude, To peace and truth thy glorious way hast ploughed.--Milton's Sonnet to Cromwell. Ho! sons of the Puritan! sons of the Roundhead! Leave your fields fallow, and fly to the war! The foe is advancing, the trumpet hath sounded-- To the rescue of freedom, truth, justice, and law! Hear His voice bid you on, Who spake unto Gideon: “Rend the curtains of Midian, From Heshbon to Dor!” From green-covered Chalgrave, from Naseby and Marston, Rich with the blood of the Earnest and True, The war-cry of Freedom, resounding, bath passed on The wings of two centuries, and come down to you: “Forward! to glory ye, Though the road gory be! Strong of arm! let your story be, And swift to pursue!” List! list! to the time-honored voices that loudly Speak from our Mother-land o'er the sad waves,-- From Hampden's dead lips, and from Cromwell's, who proudly Called freemen to palaces — tyrants to graves: “Sons of the Go
rves the distinction he enjoys, for he has redeemed the British flag on the ensanguined, burning plains of India. He has restored the glory of the British name in Asia. I honor him. Scotland, England, Wales, and Ireland are open, for their counties, as well as their countries, and their poets, orators, and statesmen, and their generals, belong to our history as well as theirs. I will never disavow Henry V on the plains of Agincourt; never Oliver Cromwell on the fields of Marston Moor and Naseby; never Sarsfield on the banks of the Boyne. The glories and honors of Sir Campbell are the glories of the British race, and the races of Great Britain and Ireland, from whom we are descended. But what gained Sir Colin Campbell the opportunity to achieve those glorious results in India? Remember that, and let us see what it was. On one of those bloody battles fought by the British before the fortress of Sebastopol, in the midst of the perils, the most perilous of all the battle-fields En
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Whalley, Edward 1620-1678 (search)
Whalley, Edward 1620-1678 Regicide; born in England, presumably about 1620; joined the Parliamentary party in the revolution of 1642; led a command which defeated the cavalry of Sir Marmaduke Langdale at Naseby in 1645, for which he was appointed colonel. Later he had charge of King Charles at Hampton Court, and was one of the members of the high court of justice which pronounced the death penalty against him, and also one of the signers of his death warrant. He fled to America with William Goffe, his son-inlaw, after the restoration. He died in Hadley, Mass., about 1678.
at hour has come to us. So stand we to-day. The Abolitionist who will not now cry, when the moment serves, Up boys, and at them, is false to liberty. (Great cheering.) (A voice--So is every other man. ) Say not it. is a hard lesson. Let him who fully knows his own heart and strength, and feels, as he looks; down into his child's cradle, that he could stand and see that little nestling borne to Slavery and submit — let him cast the first stone, But all you, whose blood is wont to stir over Naseby and Bunker Hill, will hold your peace, unless you are ready to cry with me--Sic Semper Tyrannis! So may it ever be with tyrants. (Loud applause.) Why. Americana I believe in the might of nineteen millions of people. Yes, I know that what sowing-machines, and reaping-machines, and ideas, and types, and school-houses cannot do, the muskets of Illinois and Massachusetts can finish up. (Cheers.) Blame me not that I make every thing turn on Liberty and the slave. I. believe in Massachusetts
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 18: at Washington. (search)
sh to rule myself under the constitution. Constitution! cries the armed ruler, plunging his dagger into her heart, I am your constitution. In the passion of the moment, everything good and fine in General Grant is overlooked, even his genius as a captain and his services in the field. It is a great misfortune for a soldier to have won his laurels in domestic strife. One half the nation hates him for his talent, and the second half desires to bury him and his services in oblivion. If Naseby and Dunbar had been fought in France instead of in England and Scotland, Cromwell would not have been without his statue. What German ever mentions Waldburg? What Gaul is proud of Guise? Yet hardly any Cavalier denied that Cromwell was a great soldier; and an Englishman cannot hear without surprise and pain that the man who captured Donelson, Vicksburg, and Richmond is not a great soldier. Sheridan, says the President, returning to his lieutenant, is a man of drill and order, who un
ith a bold and independent spirit which enabled him to defy all enemies. He was warm-hearted, and never did man love friends more dearly. Stuart always seemed to be a perfect embodiment of the traits generally attributed to the English cavaliers. There was in him a rollicking love of frolic, a gallantry towards ladies, a fondness for bright colors, brilliant spectacles, and gay adventure, which made him resemble strongly the class of men who followed the fortunes of Charles the I., and at Naseby died rather than retreat or surrender. Stuart's nerve was of stern stuff, and under all that laughter there was a soul that no peril could touch. That bright blue eye looked into the very face of death without a quiver of the lid, and dared the worst. A man more absolutely indifferent to danger, I believe, never lived; and, like some chevalier of olden days, he rode to battle with his lady's glove upon his helm, humming a song, and determined to conquer or fall. The following account
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 7 (search)
ke it, I secure the hour of liberty and escape. I decide to make it. I shoot the miscreant, and thus gain time to pass from the spot where I was to have been arrested, to freedom under the flag of England or on the deck of a vessel. Let him who fully knows his own heart and strength, and feels, as he looks down into his child's cradle, that he could stand by and see that little nestling one borne away, and submit,--let him cast the first stone. But all you whose blood is wont to stir over Naseby and Bunker Hill will hold your peace, unless you are ready to cry, with me, Sic semper tyrannis! So may it ever be with slave-hunters! Mr. Chairman, it seems to me that the man who is not conscientiously a non-resistant, is not only entitled, he is bound, to use every means that he has or can get to resist arrest in the last resort. What is he slave, when he is once surrendered? He goes back to degradation worse than death. If he has children, they are to perpetuate that degradation.
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 8 (search)
own States, which gives those States wholly into their hands. A weaker prestige, fewer privileges, and less comparative wealth, have enabled the British aristocracy to rule England for two centuries, though the root of their strength was cut at Naseby. It takes ages for deeply-rooted institutions to die; and driving slavery into the States will hardly be our Naseby. Whoever, therefore, lays the flattering unction to his soul, that, while slavery exists anywhere in the States, our legislatorNaseby. Whoever, therefore, lays the flattering unction to his soul, that, while slavery exists anywhere in the States, our legislators will sit down like a band of brothers, --unless they are all slaveholding brothers,--is doomed to find himself wofully mistaken. Mr. Adams, ten years ago, refused to sanction this doctrine of his friend, Mr. Giddings, combating it ably and eloquently in his well-known reply to Ingersoll. Though Mr Adams touches on but one point, the principle he lays down has many other applications. But is Mr. Giddings willing to sit down with slaveholders, like a band of brothers, and not seek, knowing
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 20 (search)
ho will not now cry, when the moment serves, Up, boys, and at them! is false to liberty. [Great cheering. A voice, So is every other man. ] Yes, to-day Abolitionist is merged in citizen,--in American. Say not it is a hard lesson. Let him who fully knows his own heart and strength, and feels, as he looks down into his child's cradle, that he could stand and see that little nestling borne to slavery, and submit,--let him cast the first stone. But all you, whose blood is wont to stir over Naseby and Bunker Hill, will hold your peace, unless you are ready to cry with me,--Sic semper tyrannis! So may it ever be with tyrants! [Loud applause.] Why, Americans, I believe in the might of nineteen millions of people. Yes, I know that what sewing-machines and reaping-machines and ideas and types and school-houses cannot do, the muskets of Illinois and Massachusetts can finish up. [Cheers.] Blame me not that I make everything turn on liberty and the slave. I believe in Massachusetts. I
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