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he President preferred to receive the first visit, and I therefore promptly ascertained when the republican magistrate would be at home to his democratic compeer. The visit was no more formal than many that had been paid to General Grant in Washington, and, indeed, hardly differed from the ordinary reception of one private gentleman by another. The President referred to the sittings of the Council of Arbitration at Geneva, of which a Swiss statesman had been a member. He declared that Switzerland was honored by the selection of Mr. Staempfli, and he complimented General Grant upon the adoption of the principle of arbitration during his Presidency. Then the representatives of the smallest and the greatest of republics exchanged salutations, and General Grant withdrew. The visit was returned within half an hour. The same night the President gave a dinner to a few gentlemen in General Grant's honor. As he was unmarried, the invitation was not extended to Mrs. Grant. The compan
real and Quebec, and then came the first premonitions of the honors destined to be heaped upon him abroad twelve and fourteen years afterward. The Governor-General of Canada offered him a dinner, and put him in the royal pew; the Canadian towns welcomed him almost as if he had saved their country or led their armies. I met him when he landed in England in 1877, and accompanied him, by permission of the Government, wherever he went in Great Britain. I was with him in Belgium, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, and France. Always he was the same simple, impassive man, the genuine democrat. The compliments of Kings did not disturb him; the adulation offered by whole populations did not elate him unduly that I could ever discern. After his departure from England and his short visit to Belgium he proceeded up the Rhine. At Cologne he was met by two officers of the army sent by the Emperor to welcome him to Germany. He visited the cathedral like any other traveler, and was interested in
nection with his great compeers after his return. He corresponded with more than one King, and when the history of his campaigns, on which I had been engaged for fifteen years, and in which his interest had been almost equal to my own—was at last complete—he sent a copy to every potentate all over the world by whom he had been entertained; to the Mikado of Japan and to Bismarck; to the Viceroy of India and the Kings of Siam and Sweden and Greece; the Prince of Wales and the Presidents of Switzerland and the French Republic; and every one acknowledged the present except the Prince of Wales. The collection of these letters was of course peculiarly interesting to me, and he allowed me to keep it for years; but I returned it to him unasked, for his family, whose claims upon it I thought superior to my own. In June, 1882, he wrote me a letter from which I copy the postscript: The mail lying before me when you were in had the acknowledgments from Lytton [Lord Lytton, then Viceroy of Ind
ged to nominate a friend of Mr. Blaine for the London Consulate, but added that I might consult the Speaker, and if he was willing, I should be sent to London. Accordingly, I went to Mr. Blaine, who was quite ready to oblige General Grant through me. His friend was sent to South America, and I was appointed Consul-General at London. Of course, the courtesy was intended for the President, although it gratified and benefited me. In 1877 I accompanied General Grant in his first visit to Switzerland, and at Geneva, a son of Mr. Blaine was often in his company, and always welcome in his apartments or at his table. The young man bore civil messages from his father to General Grant, which were cordially reciprocated in my hearing. It was not until the return of Grant to this country, in 1879, that there was any ill feeling between the predestined rivals. But the especial opposition to General Grant's candidacy for a third term came from the friends of Blaine; and in the preliminary c
form to their wish and delay his visit to Paris if he understood the circumstances. Sickles at once undertook the mission. He traveled to London, and explained to Grant the belief of the French republicans that his presence might be made a weapon in favor of the re-actionists. Mrs. Grant was present at the interview. It was she who had hitherto been anxious to visit Paris at this time, but she at once consented to defer her shopping and her sight-seeing, so as to spend the summer in Switzerland and Germany. General Grant accordingly changed his plans, and in a day or two left London for Belgium. His visit to Paris took place some months later. The elections had occurred in the meantime, and the Liberal party had triumphed. If McMahon cherished any of those intentions which afterward brought about his downfall, they were postponed; and it is possible that General Grant's action contributed to the stability of the Republic in France. At least, the greatest of French statesmen
in London called on him. The Provost of Eton invited him to lunch, the University of Oxford offered him a degree; and the City of London presented him with its freedom. Early in July he visited Belgium, and afterward passed up the Rhine to Switzerland and Northern Italy. At Brussels, Frankfort, Cologne, Geneva, and Berne he was the object of public or official courtesies. The Grand Duke of Baden invited him to his villa near Constance, and Garibaldi sent him a message of welcome while he n which these letters display;— letters written to fix, so far as he was able, the status that all three were to occupy in history; for my work he fully intended should be the only authorized expression of his views on the war. Ragatz, Switzerland, Sept. 18th, 1878. My dear General,—Your letter of the 12th of Sept. reached me at this place last evening. I have no recollection whatever of the dispatches you speak of between Sherman and myself about the 4th of October, 1864 and my su