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sentative body, and sends a, member to his constituents as a candidate for re-election; yet Grenville, enraged at seeing authority set at naught with impunity, in reference to an act of his ministry, moved to consider North America as resisting the laws by open and rebellious force, and complained of chap. XX.} 1765. Dec the king's lenity. What would have been thought, said he, in 1745, if any person had called the rebellion of that day an important matter only? Cooke, the member from Middlesex, justified the colonies, and showed the cruelty of fixing the name of rebels on all. Charles Townshend asserted with vehemence his approbation of the Stamp Act, and leaned towards the opinion of Grenville. Sooner, said he, than make our colonies our allies, I should wish to see them returned to their primitive deserts. Hammersley. But he sat down, determined to vote against Grenville's amendment. Gilbert Elliot did the same; and Wedderburn displayed the basest subserviency. Norton dw
es could reduce America, and heard from a friend, that the Americans would not submit, that they would still have their woods and liberty. Thomas Hollis sent to him the masterly essay of John Adams on the canon and feudal law. He read it, and pronounced it indeed masterly. The papers which had been agreed upon by the American Congress had been received by De Berdt, the agent for Massachusetts. Conway did not scruple to present its petition to the king, and George Cooke, the member for Middlesex, was so pleased with that to the Commons, that on Monday, the twenty-seventh of January, he offered it to the house, where he read it twice over. Jenkinson opposed receiving it, as did Nugent and Welbore Ellis. The American Con- chap. XXI.} 1766 Jan. gress at New-York, they argued, was a federal union, assembled without any requisition on the part of the supreme power. By receiving a petition from persons so unconstitutionally assembled, the house would give countenance to a measure p
nciple of representation. America was not alone in asserting representative liberty; the principle was at the same time violated in England. The freeholders of Middlesex elected Wilkes to represent their shire in Parliament. The King wished him expelled; and the House of Commons expelled him. The people rallied to his support; the City of London made him one of its magistrates; by the unanimous vote of Middlesex he was again returned. The House of Commons voted the return to be null and void. The public mind was profoundly agitated; men united as Supporters of the Bill of Rights, to pay the debts of Wilkes and his election expenses. A third time he wasno authority in law, and violated the vital principle of representative Government; by admitting Luttrell, they sequestered and usurped the elective franchise of Middlesex; and Wilkes, who, if he had been left to himself, would have fallen into insignificance, be- Chap. XL.} 1769. April. came the most conspicuous man in England.
colonies, or parts of colonies, one by one; with power to grant pardons to individ- Chap. LI.} 1775. Dec. uals or to a whole community in the lump. The atrocity of the measure was exposed in the house of commons, but without effect; on the third reading, in the house of lords, Mansfield explained his own views, which in their essential features were also those of the king: The people of America are as much bound to obey the acts of the British parliament as the inhabitants of London and Middlesex. I have not a doubt in my mind, that ever since the peace of Paris the northern colonies have been meditating a state of independence on this country. But allowing that all their professions are genuine, that every measure hitherto taken to compel submission to the parliamentary authority of this country was cruel and unjust, yet what, my lords, are we to do? Are we to rest inactive with our arms across, till they shall think proper to begin the attack, and gain strength to do it with e
Scott200 16535 Bell's majorities. In 110 counties15,695 Kanawha760 Patrick2 Lancaster67 Pendleton167 Randolph18 Nicholas811 Richmond county168 York139 17.327 16,836 Bell's majority792 Letcher's maj. in'59 in counties unheard from1,288 Bell falls short of overcoming Letcher's majority by496 The following table shows the vote in 1859, in the counties yet unheard from: Letcher. Boone142 Buchanan91 Cabell91 Calhoun251 Craig161 Fayette39 Logan386 Middlesex85 Pocahontas285 Preston305 Tucker159 Wayne51 Webster. (new co.) Wise18 2,017 729 Letcher's maj.1,288 Giggin. Braxton32 Clay41 Giles111 Mason141 Morgan13 Pulnam24 Raleigh238 Roane41 Wyoming93 729 [by Telegraph.] Lynchburg, Nov. 12-- In nine of the counties composing the 13th Congressional District, Breckinridge's majority is 2,075. The other four counties unheard from are Scott, Buchanan, Wise and McDowell. [The counties of Scott and McDowell are
order was the election of A Sergeant-at-arms. Mr. Macfarland, of Richmond, said he had a proposition to make in reference to the appointment of the officers necessary to complete the organization, which would greatly facilitate the business. With this view, he submitted a resolution, devolving their appointment upon the President of the Convention. The President hoped the resolution would be withdrawn, as he was unprepared to make suitable selections. Mr. Montague, of Middlesex, moved, as an amendment to the resolution, that a committee of fifteen be appointed for the purpose of selecting the officers named. On motion of Mr. Patrick, of Kanawha, the resolution and amendment were laid on the table. The Convention then proceeded to the election of Sergeant-at-Arms. Mr. Niglett, of Lurenburg, nominated Wm. C. Snead, of that county. Mr. Johnston, of Lee, nominated Charles E. Crosby, of Washington. Mr. Willey, of Monongalia, nominated Josiah W
s upon its general appearance, or, to come closer to the subject, the personal advantages or disadvantages of the members, as distinguished from the material. As an outsider, we had thought the State Convention was a rather good-looking assemblage, comparing favorably with any legislative body of modern times in that respect. It is fair to say, however, that there is an honest difference of opinion, and the question may have to be submitted to the decision of the ladies.--Mr. Montague, of Middlesex, alluding on Wednesday to one of the candidates for the Clerkship, whose good looks had been spoken of among the qualifications for the position, jocosely remarked that if this particular advantage had been taken into consideration by the people, but few of the members present would have been sent to occupy seats in the Convention! We differ with the Lieutenant-Governor on this point, and we thought the ladies in the gallery seemed inclined to call him to order. The Convention seems to p
ated the Enquirer as the organ of publication. He moved, by way of relieving the President from his difficulty, that the Secretary of the Commonwealth, who had large experience in such matters, be authorized to execute the contract. Mr. Staples moved as an amendment that the subject be referred to a committee of five. Mr. Wise maintained that any change in the resolution would be out of order. Mr. Clemens, rising to a question of order, said the motion of the gentleman from Middlesex, as well as the amendment of the gentleman from Patrick, were inconsistent with the resolution adopted by the Convention. In order to entertain such motions the resolution would have to be reconsidered. After further remarks and suggestions, the President remarked that he would proceed to execute the contract, as directed by the resolution. Mr. Johnson, of Richmond, said he had voted for the resolution yesterday, and against reconsideration; but he thought there was some conflic
esent, but it was necessary that it should be changed in some respects. He was desirous of making some arrangement that would satisfy all, and if the gentlemen on the other side were willing to some to a reasonable compromise of the matter, he would make to them this overture; if not — if there was any undeveloped motive for protracting the session, he must give them notice now that it must be brought to a close at as early a day as possible. He would therefore request the gentleman from Middlesex, (Mr. Montague,) to consult with his friends and bring in such a proposition as would be acceptable to them Mr. Price then moved that the Convention adjourn. Mr. Montague requested him to withdraw the motion for a moment, and he did so. Mr. Montague said his duties in the Senate would prevent his giving the matter due attention, and he hoped some other would be named. Mr. Price then selected Mr. Neblett, of Lunenburg. This gentleman, however, preferred that some more experienced
whole. If the North refused to take Virginia's ultimatum, where should she go? He intended to exhaust every honorable effort to save the Union; but if the North refused to meet us in this spirit of conciliation, then he would say, unhesitatingly, go with the South. Mr. Tredway closed by reiterating the assurance that if any man could present a feasible plan for the reconstruction of the Union, and a settlement of differences, he would willingly accept it. Mr. Montague, of Middlesex, took the floor, and said he had some views to offer, but it would be utterly impossible for him to close this evening. He would, however, if there was no objection, commence his remarks, and conclude to-morrow. No objection being made, Mr. Montague went on to congratulate the gentleman who had last spoken, for he believed he would soon be ready to go with him South. All the gentlemen who had spoken on the other side, admitted that the Government, as it now stands, does not give saf