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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 395 13 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 214 4 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 79 3 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 74 22 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 55 45 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 31 1 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 31 3 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 25 3 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 23 3 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 10: The Armies and the Leaders. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 16 4 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. You can also browse the collection for Springfield (Illinois, United States) or search for Springfield (Illinois, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 17 results in 7 document sections:

for that purpose were to join him-Offutt-at Springfield, Illinois, so soon as the snow should go off. When it rance into Sangamon County. They found Offutt at Springfield, but learned from him that he had failed in getti on the Sangamon River, seven miles northwest of Springfield, which boat they took to New Orleans, substantiales multiplied in the restlessness and ambition of Springfield, fifteen or twenty miles away, which, located app the Sangamon River, flowing within five miles of Springfield and emptying itself into the Illinois ten or fiftlanding on the Sangamo River opposite the town of Springfield for thirty-seven and a half cents per hundred poundid upper-cabin steamer Talisman would leave for Springfield, and the paper of March I announced her arrival a, and the Journal proclaimed with exultation that Springfield could no longer be considered an inland town. the Sylph, would establish regular trips between Springfield and Beardstown, but she never came. The freshets
e of this single term in the Congress of the United States which prepared him for his coming, yet undreamed-of, responsibilities, as fully as it would have done the ordinary man in a dozen. Mr. Lincoln had frankly acknowledged to his friend Speed, after his election in 1846, that being elected to Congress, though I am very grateful to our friends for having done it, has not pleased me as much as I expected. It has already been said that an agreement had been reached among the several Springfield aspirants, that they would limit their ambition to a single term, and take turns in securing and enjoying the coveted distinction; and Mr. Lincoln remained faithful to this agreement. When the time to prepare for the election of 1848 approached, he wrote to his law partner: It is very pleasant to learn from you that there are some who desire that I should be reflected. I most heartily thank them for their kind partiality; and I can say, as Mr. Clay said of the annexation of Texas
y: In the autumn of that year [1854] he took the stump, with no broader practical aim or object than to secure, if possible, the reelection of Hon. Richard Yates to Congress. His speeches at once attracted a more marked attention than they had ever before done. As the canvass proceeded he was drawn to different parts of the State, outside of Mr. Yates's district. He did not abandon the law, but gave his attention by turns to that and politics. The State Agricultural Fair was at Springfield that year, and Douglas was announced to speak there. The new question had created great excitement and uncertainty in Illinois politics, and there were abundant signs that it was beginning to break up the organization of both the Whig and the Democratic parties. This, feeling brought together at the State fair an unusual number of local leaders from widely scattered counties, and almost spontaneously a sort of political tournament of speech-making broke out. In this Senator Douglas,
to indorse and fortify his course in repealing the Missouri Compromise, it, on the other hand, totally negatived his theory by which he had sought to make the repeal palatable, that the people of a Territory, by the exercise of his great principle of popular sovereignty, could decide the slavery question for themselves. But, being a subtle sophist, he sought to maintain a show of consistency by an ingenious evasion. In the month of June following the decision, he made a speech at Springfield, Illinois, in which he tentatively announced what in the next year became widely celebrated as his Freeport doctrine, and was immediately denounced by his political confreres of the South as serious party heterodoxy. First lauding the Supreme Court as the highest judicial tribunal on earth, and declaring that violent resistance to its decrees must be put down by the strong arm of the government, he went on thus to define a master's right to his slave in Kansas: While the right continue
s in Illinois. On the night before the Freeport debate the question had also been considered in a hurried caucus of Lincoln's party friends. They all advised against propounding it, saying, If you do, you can never be senator. Gentlemen, replied Lincoln, I am killing larger game; if Douglas answers, he can never be President, and the battle of 1860 is worth a hundred of this. As Lincoln had predicted, Douglas had no resource but to repeat the sophism he had hastily invented in his Springfield speech of the previous year. It matters not, replied he, what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question whether slavery may or may not go into a Territory under the Constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it, as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere unless it is supported by local police regulations. Those police regulations can only be established by the local legislature, and if
aving his law office and his whole law business to his partner, William H. Herndon; while his friends installed him in the governor's room in the State House at Springfield, which was not otherwise needed during the absence of the legislature. Here he spent the time during the usual business hours of the day, attended only by his athy. He employed no literary bureau, wrote no public letters, made no set or impromptu speeches, except that once or twice during great political meetings at Springfield he uttered a few words of greeting and thanks to passing street processions. All these devices of propagandism he left to the leaders and committees of his adhtters in which he indicated his advice on points in the progress of the campaign did not exceed a dozen in number; and when politicians came to interview him at Springfield, he received them in the privacy of his own home, and generally their presence created little or no public notice. Cautious politician as he was, he did not pe
ould command was employed to give a fitting escort from the White House to the Capitol, where the body of the President was to lie in state. The vast procession moved amid the booming of minute-guns, and the tolling of all the bells in Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria; and to associate the pomp of the day with the greatest work of Lincoln's life, a detachment of colored troops marched at the head of the line. As soon as it was announced that Mr. Lincoln was to be buried at Springfield, Illinois, every town and city on the route begged that the train might halt within its limits and give its people the opportunity of testifying their grief and reverence. It was finally arranged that the funeral cortege should follow substantially the same route over which he had come in 1861 to take possession of the office to which he had given a new dignity and value for all time. On April 21, accompanied by a guard of honor, and in a train decked with somber trappings, the journey was b