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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 2,462 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 692 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 516 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition. 418 0 Browse Search
C. Julius Caesar, Gallic War 358 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 298 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 230 0 Browse Search
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia. 190 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 186 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 182 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: June 18, 1862., [Electronic resource]. You can also browse the collection for France (France) or search for France (France) in all documents.

Your search returned 5 results in 4 document sections:

tes who control affairs at Washington profess to be in possession of a number of "important Confederate documents," among which is one from Judge Rost (dated March 21) to Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, giving a long account of an interview with the Spanish Secretary of Foreign Affairs at Madrid, which concludes as follows: "This is the substance of what may be considered of some importance in a long and cordial interview. I infer from it that this Government will not act separately from England and France. Owing to the enormous preparations made by the North to subjugate us, I believe that nothing is now to be exacted from any of them until the Northern Government is ready to treat with us as an independent power. If it be so, and the war is to last many years, at the President intimates in his inaugural, it will be for him to determine whether it is consistent with our dignity to keep longer abroad commissioners whom he knows are under no circumstances to be received or listened to."
should be constrained to reject the proposition, let such rejection cost what it might. We would never consent to give up Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Western Virginia, and New Orleans, although by refusing to do so we should bring England and France both down upon our heads. We should be compelled to set them both at defiance, and, if we were able to do nothing else, at least to destroy all the cotton and tobacco rather than let them have it. This course we have already taken with the Yankeded back to the old Union, for the Yankees outvote us two to one. This will never do. The Confederate States will not go back into any sort of political association with the Yankees on any condition whatever. They will sooner become colonies of France or England, or even Russia, than return to that association. This can hardly be what the Emperor means.--Doubtless he takes it for granted that the Union is already at an end, and his object is to leave it to each State to say to what politi
nited States and any European Government, except so far as to give that Government its best wishes, its deepest sympathies, its most earnest prayers, for the complete defeat and destruction of the United States. Any aid and comfort that any Southern man could render to that end would be cheerfully given. Should the South be conquered — of which there is not the most remote prospect — any foreign enemy of the United States would be welcome to our shores, would have every advantage that our territory could afford, and our co-operation in every way and shape confer. Frenchman, Englishman, Austrian, Russian, or Turk — that nation which is the enemy of the United States is our friend and brother. We would a thousand times rather be under the dominion of England or France than of the detestable Yankee tyrants who are robbing and murdering us for no other purpose than to force their wooden nutmegs down our throats, and make us their hewers of wood and drains of water to the end of t
l back after the battle, and left the French in possession of the ground. The cold began on November the 7th. But three days before the cold began — namely, on the 4th of November--there remained of the mighty host that had crossed the Neumann but 55,000 men and 1,200 horses. Two hundred and forty-seven thousand men had perished or become ineffective in one hundred and thirty-three days. Of the 55,000 men, however, plus any reinforcements they may have met on the way 40,000 men returned to France, showing how few men were lost in this masterly retreat, either by the severity of the winter or the harassing attacks of the enemy. But even if three-fourths of the wounded at Borodino had died, and allowing for those killed in minor actions and operations, there would remain nearly 200,000 men who perished by insufficient commissariat — by want of forethought. The Count de Segur the historian of this campaign, considers that the genius of Napoleon had culminated before he undertook this