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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.1, Alabama (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1,742 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 1,016 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 996 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 516 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 274 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 180 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 172 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 164 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 142 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 130 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). You can also browse the collection for Alabama (Alabama, United States) or search for Alabama (Alabama, United States) in all documents.

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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), A Southern Diarist. (search)
tter writing than this we have never read, and if the gentleman goes on at this rate, we know well enough who will be the Xenophon of the war. The business at Columbia, as we gather from this journal, is principally campanological. They have a new bell in that city, and they ring it continually. On Tuesday, 8th ult., they rang it for the secession of Florida. On Thursday, 10th ult., they rang it for the secession of Mississippi. On Friday, 11th ult., they rang it for the secession of Alabama. On Sunday, the 13th ult., they do not appear to have troubled the bell-rope at all. Upon the 9th ult., having heard of the flight of the Star of the West, the diarist exclaims: This intelligence did not surprise us. We were already looking the reality of war in the face. Were they? And did they relish the prospect? Smoking cities, blockaded ports, famished wives, starving children, insurgent negroes — did they like the picture? Like it? How can any one be so simple as to put the ques
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Montgomery Muddle — a specimen day. (search)
l concern seems, however, to make the weightiest drafts upon the Southern Congressional intellect. A nation without a flag is no nation at all — hat sublime truth, at least, has dawned upon the Southern Confederated mind. Confederate Curry, of Alabama, the other day brought a bushel of flags, of striped and of starry flags, of white, red and blue flags before the Congress, and exhibited them to the delegates just as that abhorred creature, a Yankee peddler, shows his rainbow merchandize to the Southern line, we cannot but regret to see the energy of the Congress wasted in raising a Patent Committee at all. In 1856--and other years will show a like proportion--South Carolina took out seven letters patent; Georgia, nine; Florida, one; Alabama, eleven; Louisiana, twenty-four; all the Slave States, two hundred and ninety-one against one thousand nine hundred and eighty-two taken out by the Free States. There would seem to be several things making more imperative demands upon the Confe
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Slave-Holder's honor. (search)
tercoraceous power of Slavery to develop all the cardinal virtues, has received another illustration. Seedy patriots of Alabama, very much in debt to the North, where distance from home lent an enchantment to their persons, and a power as of triple the present there is no reason why obligations as between man and man should not remain in full force. It is true that Alabama has asserted herself to be an independent State, but so, for most of the essential wants of trade, she has always been. btedly is; but it is not claimed, and it cannot be with truth, that hostilities exist between the States of New York and Alabama. The very tenacity with which Southern men cling to their doctrine of State Rights, is against them in this matter. Whrade is based upon private honor, and there is not a market in the world which will not be shut against the merchants of Alabama for fifty years to come. This is the stubborn fact which no amount of bluster can alter. John B. Floyd, for instance
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Slaveholding Utopia. (search)
he South, by any stroke of fortune, be left to their abominable devices, and thus be enabled to try before the world an experiment of promoting the genuine prosperity of the few by reducing the many to the lowest pitch of moral and physical squalor, it is possible that missionaries might be sent from the North.to South Carolina, as they are now sent to Central Africa and that some new Livingston might win the noblest of laurels, at the risk of his life, by carrying Christian civilization to Alabama or Mississippi. For it is very certain that whatever perfection the South might attain in the art of civil government, it must still want the very elements of religion. Indeed, if we understand at all this little extract from The Richmond Whig, which is now before us, it is the avowed purpose of a portion, at least, of the Rebels, to be rid, in the very beginning of the new Empire, of all musty notions of the equality of even white men before their Creator, which is the essence of Chris