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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
the treachery and apostasy of men, small as well as great, are in themselves most disheartening. Still, I know the cause is right, and as sure as God is God must prevail. To George Sumner, June 25— The recent outrageous expedition against Cuba The second attempt of Lopez. has dishonored us before the world. . . . my own impression is that it [Clay's Compromise] will pass through the Senate; and this is founded on two things: first, Clay is earnest and determined that it shall pass; hy cordial reception which he gave me. Lord Elgin I liked much; he is a very pleasant and clever man, and everybody gave him the palm among the speakers. I was not present at the dinner, and did not hear him. There is a lull now with regard to Cuba. The whole movement may have received an extinguisher for the present; but I think we shall hear of it when Congress meets, in a motion to purchase this possession of Spain. This question promises to enter into the next Presidential election. T
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
troubled at his abstinence from them, and thought he should make himself felt in matters of business. Particularly they regretted that he did not improve the opportunity afforded by a debate on the Monroe doctrine as applied to the acquisition of Cuba, then as always coveted by the pro-slavery and filibustering spirit. His friends in the Senate also were solicitous for greater activity on his part in matters outside of the slavery question. Seward wrote, May 19, 1853: I trust that you will seilers had been devoting all their strength to the Fugitive Slave law, which he thought practically dead, the enemy had been pushing its plans of propagandism, and that the extension of slavery was the impending issue. He only erred in pointing to Cuba instead of Kansas. A public dinner was given in Boston, May 5, 1853, to John P. Hale, the candidate of the Free Soilers for President at the last election; and fifteen hundred plates were laid in the hall of the Fitchburg Railroad station. Cas
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
Caleb Cushing, Jefferson Davis, and John W. Forney. Nobody else has influence. These are hot for Cuba and war. The howl of the press here against me has been the best homage I ever received. My oe, I was able to stop a proposition to withdraw our African squadron and place it on the coast of Cuba. But the effort will be made again at the next session, and again I shall oppose it. The portentous question now is connected with Cuba. Buchanan, Mason. and Soule, under instructions from Pierce, met in October, 1854, at Ostend and Aix-la-Chapelle, to plot for the acquisition of Cuba, anCuba, and issued the famous Ostend Manifesto. To secure that island money to any amount will be lavished, and war will be braved. This Administration is a cross between the pirate and the scorpion, and I sharance, already occupied by the war with Russia, is regarded as propitious to some bold stroke for Cuba. With Falkland I cry Peace, Peace! and especially that you may be at liberty to help keep the p
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 14 (search)
they will next attempt. All this can be arrested at once, and the slave trade also, if Spain can in any way be induced to follow British example and to decree emancipation in this island. That would be the greatest blow ever dealt at slavery. Indeed, that blow would be mortal. I do not think slavery could long survive in the United States. If it continued to exist, it would be in a feeble condition, without offensive force. I sometimes think that at this moment the neck of slavery is in Cuba, just ready to be severed. I know not to what extent England might influence Spain but if I were Prime Minister I would spare no pains to bring abut this result, which would be the grand historic act of the age,—putting a final end to the slave-trade; an end also to American filibusterism, leaving your cruisers at liberty, no longer vexed by questions of visit, and setting an example of emancipation which must be followed in the United States, while the slave-power there will lose all chance
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
ic Administration losing the House of Representatives in the election of 1854, regaining it in that of 1856, and losing it again in that of 1858; Americanism and other issues of temporary and local interest were disappearing, and the Republican party was uniting into one force the liberty-loving voters of the free States, with the probability of success in 1860; the pro-slavery party, with the co-operation of Buchanan and Douglas, had been conspiring to strengthen itself by the acquisition of Cuba; the threats of disunion, once idle words, or words uttered in order to force into submission a timorous North, had come to express a definite and organized purpose; Von Hoist, vol. VI. pp. 177-179, 193-197, 324, 328. and the pro-slavery agitators, having renounced hope of another slave State in the West and of dominion in the Union, were now busy with preparations for secession and armed revolt. As to the military preparations at the South, see speeches of Miles in the House, Jan. 6,