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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,300 0 Browse Search
Joseph T. Derry , A. M. , Author of School History of the United States; Story of the Confederate War, etc., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 6, Georgia (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 830 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 638 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 502 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 378 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 340 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 274 0 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 244 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 234 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 218 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Georgia (Georgia, United States) or search for Georgia (Georgia, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 18 results in 9 document sections:

Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 1: re-formation and Reanimation.—1841. (search)
ing a kidnapped free person of color. Lib. 11.146, 211. The sacrifice demanded was made, and even letter-carriers were taught to know the hand that fed them. More significant of the nominal character of the socalled Union were the efforts of Georgia and Virginia, on Lib. 10.1, 5, 9; 11.14, 54, 57, 183. account of the refusal of Northern governors to surrender as felons citizens charged with aiding slaves to escape, to establish quarantine against the ships of Maine and New York. More desperately unconstitutional was the proposal of Governor McDonald of Georgia, that even Lib. 11.183. packages from New York or any like offending State should be subjected to inspection, and suspicious persons therefrom be obliged to give security for good behavior— in the midst of a contented slave population. The Governor of Virginia declined to honor Governor Seward's Lib. 11.54. demand for the extradition of a New York forger—a piece of retaliation too dangerous to escape the censure of hi
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 9: Father Mathew.—1849. (search)
49; Lib. 19.185. Jackson, Miss.; and, in advance of the opening of the Thirtyfirst Congress, the Governors of Tennessee, Georgia, and Lib. 19.181, 193. Alabama took, in their messages, corresponding ground as representatives of Southern sentiment. A little later, joint committees of the legislatures of Georgia and South Lib. 20.5. Carolina applied the secession screw to Northern doughfaces, in resolutions fit to precipitate a crisis if the new Congress should not prove more subservient thanment at the North, with her darker husband as her negro boy. They thus travelled openly by first-class conveyances from Georgia to Philadelphia (Still, p. 368). and, amid great applause, said of the former: We say in behalf of this man, whom God Ls mighty Republic. More, he pleaded, should not be asked of him in this emphatically free country. And thus placating Georgia, he earned the torchlight procession afterwards tendered him in Augusta. Lib. 20.24. The Apostle had not performed
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
stion— upon what can they agitate? . . . Then, will they agitate about the [abolition of the] slave-trade in the District of Columbia? That is accomplished. There remained the abolition disunionists, the Garrisonians, of whom Senator Toombs of Georgia had said: In my Robert Toombs. judgment, their line of policy is the fairest, most just, Lib. 20.49. most honest and defensible of all the enemies of our institutions—and such will be the judgment of impartial history—they might, indeed, agitaer was encouraging the commercial interests of Lib. 20.177. the great metropolis of the country [to] speak with united hearts and voices for slavery and Union. Boston itself was in a fever of excitement caused by the presence of Lib. 20.174. Georgia agents bent on recapturing William and Ellen Ante, p. 247. Craft, who had to be hurried off to England. Mr.Lib. 21.14, 15, 141, 153; 22.2. Thompson might have rubbed his eyes and asked himself if he had really been absent for fifteen years. Wh<
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 11: George Thompson, M. P.—1851. (search)
very career and the origin of the Liberator, of which he held up the tiny first number; paid by the way his never forgotten tribute to Benjamin Lundy; and gratefully acknowledged once more the indispensable pecuniary Ante, 1.223. support given him by Samuel E. Sewall and Ellis Gray Loring. To complete the retrospect, he read some of the menacing letters he had been accustomed to receive from the South, and confessed his early expectation of martyrdom in the cause, especially after the State of Georgia had offered its reward for his abduction. Ante, 1.247. But enough in regard to the insults and dangers of the Lib. 20.18. past. If the Liberator has wrought any change in public sentiment in favor of those who are meted out and trodden underfoot, it has been solely through the power of truth. No person shall deceive me with the idea that I deserve anything. Oh, if I can only say that I have done my duty—that I have not failed to remember them that are in bonds as bound with t
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 16: Fremont.—1856. (search)
June 17 (Lib. 26: 38). they resolved to vote for the admission of Kansas into the Union as a free State! Wonderful! Put not your faith in —politicians! His cherished correspondent, like many another Lib. 26.122, 170, 171, 174. abolitionist, was swept away by the hope of political success into ardent support of Fremont; and such examples encouraged the Democrats in their policy of identifying Lib. 26: [142], [143]; 27.2. the Republicans with the disunion abolitionists. Howell Cobb of Georgia, addressing a Democratic meeting at Portland, Me., on August 6, charged the Republicans that the only difference between you and Garrison is—he goes at the question boldly, like a man, and you are sneaking around it. Garrison says your Constitution protects slavery, and he is against the Constitution. Well, I admit that he is foolish, but, at the same time, you are obliged to admit that he is bolder and honester than you are. Lib. 26.133. The editor of the Liberator was beset with inquiri
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
tional whether you or I shall occupy the ground of Disunion. It is not a matter of political expediency or policy, or even of incongruity of interests between the North and the South. It strikes deeper, it rises higher, than that. This is the question: Are we of the North not bound in a Union with slaveholders, whereby they are enabled to hold four millions of our countrymen in bondage, with all safety and impunity? Is not Massachusetts in alliance with South Carolina, Rhode Island with Georgia, Maine with Alabama, Vermont with Mississippi, giving the strength of this nation to the side of the dealer in human flesh? My difficulty, therefore, is a moral one. The Union was formed at the expense of the slave population of the land. I cannot swear to uphold it. As I understand it, they who ask me to do so, ask me to do an immoral act—to stain my conscience—to sin against God. How can I do this? I care not what consequences may be predicted. It is a sin to strike hands with thiev
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 18: the irrepressible Conflict.—1858. (search)
Lib. 28.23, 28; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2.544. message to Congress, denouncing the free-State inhabitants of Kansas as rebels, and counselling a settlement of the existing distraction by making the Lecompton Constitution the basis of admission to the Union. He reminded them that the Supreme Court had adjudged that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of the United States, Lib. 28.28. and that Kansas is therefore at this moment as much a slave State as Georgia or South Carolina. The popular demonstrations against this policy, the Lib. 28.27, 28, 48. resistance promised by the Legislature of Kansas, Lib. 28.34. Douglas's adverse report in the Senate, Crittenden's attempt to Lib. 28.59; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2.558. secure submission of the Lecompton Constitution to the popular vote—were all in vain. The two houses disagreeing, a conference committee adopted the bill contrived by William H. English of Indiana, and on Apri
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 19: John Brown.—1859. (search)
ut in the same scale with the Democratic Party—that party which is ready for everything that the South desires, in the way of extending and eternizing slavery! How was it in the last Presidential election? Was it nothing to the credit of the Republican Party that no representative of John C. Fremont could stand upon Southern soil, except in peril of his life–when the whole party was outlawed in all the Southern States—when no electoral ticket bearing his name could have been tolerated in Georgia, or Alabama, or Carolina, or any Southern State—and when, if Henry Wilson had dared to go down South and advocate his election to the Presidency, he would have gone there as a man goes to the grave, and never would have come back to Massachusetts alive? When a party stands in that attitude to slavery, and slavery stands in that relation to it, I hold it is unfair and unjust to say that, after all, it is as bad as the party that goes all lengths for the extension and eternization of slaver
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. (search)
63, 167, 178, 179, 181, 183, 185. disruption, had brought about a white exodus—when even, as in Georgia, Northerners coming by sea were Lib. 30.187, 191. kept from landing. Mr. Garrison, himself st excuse for spontaneous heat over such trifles, any more than over a slave-burning like that in Georgia in October, Lib. 30.171. or over the perennial fear of slave risings, such as infected Lib. 2d already been said during the current session. Two examples will suffice. Senator Iverson of Georgia Lib. 30.17. was ready to lead away the Southern delegation on the mere election of John Shermaba—which meant simply the revival of the slave trade. Mr. Gaulden, one of the delegates from Georgia, spoke openly (and humorously) on May 1 in favor of this revival, without which, he said, it woarticles of merchandise, under the name of persons ... The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia distinctly avowed that, without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they