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profession; that he agreed to preach for a stipulated salary; but, unless he thought he was doing good, which the absence of the people showed to be doubtful, he was neither willing to preach nor to receive the salary. He continued solely under the pay received as principal of the Academy. He was a quiet, just man, and I am sure he taught me more in the time I was with him than I ever learned from any one else. He married in our county, and after the death of his wife returned to Massachusetts; but, whether he acquired new tastes during his residence in the South, or from whatever reason, he returned after some years to New Orleans, where he was Superintendent of the Public Schools when I last heard from him. I was very much gratified to learn that he remembered me favorably, and mentioned it to one of his pupils who had been named for me. He was the first of a new class of teachers in our neighborhood, and was followed by classical scholars who raised the standard of ability
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 21: Mr. Davis's first session in Congress. (search)
riot's pride suppressed by local jealousy? Type of the men, the event, the purpose it commemorates, that column rises stern, even severe, in its simplicity; neither niche nor moulding for parasite or creeping thing to rest on; composed of material that defies the waves of time, and pointing like a finger to the sources of noblest thought. Beacon of freedom, it guides the present generation to retrace the fountain of our years and stand beside its source; to contemplate the scene where Massachusetts and Virginia, as stronger brothers of the family, stood foremost to defend our common rights. Remembrance of the petty jarrings of to-day are buried in the nobler friendship of an earlier time. Yes, sir, and when ignorance, led by fanatic hate, and armed by all uncharitableness, assails a domestic institution of the South, I try to forgive, for the sake of the righteous among the wicked — our natural allies, the Democracy of the North. Thus, sir, I leave to silent contempt the mal
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 22: the secret service fund--charges against Webster, 1845-46. (search)
he President, and gave the most cogent reasons why these secret negotiations should not be made public. It would be a most embarrassing precedent, and one it would be unadvisable to establish and impracticable to follow. Mr. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, Mr. Seddon, of Virginia, and most of the conservative men of the House objected to calling for the secret papers as a dangerous precedent; but Mr. Winthrop said if any were called for, he wanted also those concerning Texas and Louisiana. T. men of the House, following pretty much the bent of party rancor, the resolutions were passed. This resolution called up T. Butler King, of Georgia, in defence of Mr. Webster; Mr. Ingersoll in reiteration and reaffirmation; Mr. Ashman, of Massachusetts, in defence. Mr. Schenck and Mr. John Pettit (Democrat) each moved that a committee be organized, the first to inquire how the seal of confidence imposed upon the Department had been broken; the second to examine into the charges, with a
from Mr. Benton sat Dixon H. Lewis, of Alabama, one of the brightest men of his day, and intellectually and untiringly active; but he weighed, before he had attained his greatest size, five hundred pounds, and must have weighed more when I first saw him. A chair was made for him, because he could not use those of ordinary size. He always commanded the confidence of his party and State, and the attention of the Senate. Then there was John Bell, of Tennessee, and honest John Davis, of Massachusetts-kindly dignified gentlemen; James M. Mason and R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia; splendid old Colonel Butler, of South Carolina, whose head was as white as cotton, though his eyes were bright, his eyebrows black and strongly marked, and his brave spirit was as young as the youngest of the Senators; David Atchison, a solemn, literal, tender man of a tall ungainly figure. He was the friend of Mr. Davis's boyhood; King, of Alabama, a man as elegant as he was sound and sincere; General Dodge,
e debate which followed was most exciting and much too personal. Among those from the South, besides Calhoun and Mr. Davis, who participated, were Butler, of South Carolina; Foote, of Mississippi; Mangum, of North Carolina; and Westcott, of Florida. Douglas, of Illinois, sided, rather cynically, with Hale. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, could not see what had induced the Senator from New Hampshire to introduce such a measure at that moment; Hannegan, of Indiana, denounced it, and Davis, of Massachusetts, supported it. The excitement was extraordinary the more so that it was evidenced that all the speakers, save one, sincerely regretted it. A living coal seemed to have leaped upon the floor from the fires of the Missouri Compromise, even then building. Hale throughout the discussion was cool, because it was a mere matter of calculation with him. It had mattered little to him what would be the fate of his bill. What he had most desired was, by means of it, to drag to the surface the qu
t read much in Miss Bremer's books, and only remembered some girl's trouble about her nose, which, as she was ugly, did not concern me. However, I was full of the happy anticipation of seeing the authoress of my favorite books. One very hot summer evening, when the moon was nearly full, we went to Mr. Seaton's large old-fashioned house on C Street, to a high tea. When we entered, besides several agreeable men, Mrs. Webster, Mrs. Gales, Commodore Stockton, Mr. and Mrs. John Davis, of Massachusetts, and Senator Green, of Rhode Island, with his gray-haired, charming wife, were present. Then and there ceased my desire to look with the naked eye upon the authors and authoresses that warn, comfort, and command us in our journey through the world. Miss Bremer was not more than five feet high, her nose was all Petraea had unavailingly tried to suppress, and red as a damask rose, of which color her face had also partaken; her eyes were a pale blue, and not large. On her head, concea
legislation for the dissolution of the Union; offensive to the Senate and to the whole country. If this Union is ever to be dissolved, it must be by the action of the States and the people. Whatever power Congress holds, it holds under the Constitution, and that power is but a part of the Union. Congress has no power to legislate upon that which will be the destruction of the whole foundations upon which their authority rests. I recollect, a good many years ago, that the Senator from Massachusetts who addressed the Senate this morning (John Davis), very pointedly described the right of petition as a very humble right — as the mere right to beg. This is my own view. The right peacefully to assemble, I hold, as the right which it was intended to grant to the people; that was the only right which had ever been denied in our colonial condition; the right of petition had never been denied by Parliament. It was intended only to secure to the people, I say, the right peacefully to asse
es of the democracy and the nationality of Massachusetts; that he can associate with you on equal feral Davis), we welcome you to the commonwealth of Massachusetts. (Six cheers.) You may not find ho a mighty tree, and I trust it may redeem Massachusetts to her glorious place in the Union, when s, last hope, the community independence of Massachusetts. Always a commanding figure, we see him an an early period of our country, you find Massachusetts leading the movements, prominent of all tha change of masters it would have been had Massachusetts surrendered her State sovereignty to the But I have referred to the fact that Massachusetts stood pre-eminently forward among those whsed of Hamilton, of New York, Sedgwick, of Massachusetts, and Mason, of Virginia, reported resolutiality in the Union--I believe that even in Massachusetts, though it has not had a representative inequent political history, which existed in Massachusetts before the Revolution, and have existed ev[10 more...]
m, and would vote for no person or thing but him, and Squatter Sovereignty was his shibboleth. No conclusion could be reached, and the convention adjourned to meet at Baltimore on June 18th. It was always a proud memory to Mr. Davis that Massachusetts gave him forty-nine votes, in unbroken succession, a testimonial of confidence and respect that cannot be lost or, like his name on Cabin John Bridge, be chiselled out of the work. Perhaps, had he stood among the citizens of other Northern States with his heart and hand open to them as he did in Massachusetts, his services might have been more potent to preserve peace. Years before the feud between the States had culminated in bitterness, I had a theory which perhaps, like Black Hawk's plan for abolishing slavery, was at least original if not practicable — that was to send the boys and girls of the North to schools in the South, and send our boys and girls to the North. The people of the two sections are not the same people, but
have bound her to the Union; and thus divesting herself of every benefit-taking upon herself every burden-she claims to be exempt from any power to execute the laws of the United States within her limits. I well remember an occasion when Massachusetts was arraigned before the bar of the Senate, and when the doctrine of coercion was rife, and to be applied against her, because of the rescue of a fugitive slave in Boston. My opinion then was the same that it is now. Not in a spirit of egotism, but to show that I am not influenced in my own opinions because the case is my own, I refer to that time and that occasion as containing the opinion which I then entertained, and on which my present conduct is based. I then said that if Massachusetts-following her purpose through a stated line of conduct — chose to take the last step which separates her from the Union, it is her right to go, and I will neither vote one dollar nor one man to coerce her back; but I will say to her, God spee