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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Foreign recognition of the Confederacy — letter from Honorable James Lyons. (search)
as he thought, by not being elected to the Presidency for the second term, did not pretend to any false philanthropy or fanaticism, but put his action upon the ground that by the provision of the constitution which allowed fractional representation for all others besides the whites, the North was governed by the votes of slaves; and you doubtless recollect his ferocious declaration to Mr. Dillet, of Alabama, when he remonstrated against his abolition scheme, and said, The gentleman from Massachusetts does not reflect how much blood will be shed and how many lives lost if his scheme succeeds ; and Mr. Adams roared out at the top of his voice, Let it come, though millions be bathed in blood. Soon after Mr. Seward left the gubernatorial chair of New York, he went to Washington to argue a cause in the Supreme Court (he told me, I think, that it was a patent case), and from Washington he came to Richmond. Mr. Webster, with whom it was my good fortune to hold the most cordial relations
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Our fallen heroes: an address delivered by Hon. A. M. Keiley, of Richmond, on Memorial day, at Loudon park, near Baltimore, June 5, 1879. (search)
tes after it is dead — those patriots by proxy, who put the profits of their country's agony in their own pockets, and encountered its perils by a substitute. For myself I find reconciliation easy with him who says, I answered the summons of Massachusetts or Ohio, for I answered the summons of Virginia, and hers alone. Each year this platform of reconciliation will more and more assert itself, as each year the Government will more and more conform to its original conceptions. Even now, wths have never, indeed, been famous as money-getters, or inventors, or manufacturers; but we claim, with some pardonable pride, that they have never been laggards in patriotism. Whether in the first rebellion, when they camped by colonies in Massachusetts for her defence; or in 1812, when, without a sailor or a ship, they enlisted under the banner of Free trade and sailor's rights ; or in 1846, when they bore off their full share of the laurels of the Mexican war — the trumpet has never summon
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Meeting at the White Sulphur Springs. (search)
truggle to correct whatever we believe to be erroneous statements in regard to it, whenever and wherever they are made. Casus belli. The right to judge of infractions of the constitution and the mode and measure of redress, were no new questions in our politics. They were discussed in the conventions which formed the constitution, and subsequently whenever the General Government was supposed by usurpation of power to infringe on rights reserved to the people of the States united. Massachusetts threatened secession in the war of 1812, when her commerce was crippled; South Carolina threatened nullification in 1832, when a high protective tariff discriminated heavily against her interest. Every State of the North practiced nullification against the fugitive slave laws as fast as they came under the control of the Republican party. Eleven States of the South attempted to practice secession when the General Government fell into the hands of the Republican party, whose leaders had