Browsing named entities in John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights. You can also browse the collection for Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) or search for Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 8 results in 7 document sections:

hia; when Lovejoy, the Abolition martyr, was bleeding out his life in one of the streets of Alton, Illinois-when, in fact, the whole land was swayed by a frenzied hatred of the men and women who dared to question slavery's right to supremacy, the writer believes the movement would have been successful. Public opinion was so inclined in States like Indiana and Illinois, and even in Ohio, that they might have been easily toppled over to the South. Indeed, at that time it is a problem how Massachusetts would have voted on a proposition to slaveryize her soil. The surprising thing, as we look back to that period, is that slavery did not get a foothold in some of the free States, if not in all of them. But by the time the South was ready to play its trump card, it was too late. The game was lost. Public opinion had become revolutionized throughout the North. The leaven of Abolitionism had got in its work. The men and women, few in number and weak in purse and worldly position as
as made by the slaveholders to expel him from that body, easily ranks among the first three exhibitions of American eloquence. I quite agree with Mr. Curtis in giving the Faneuil Hall speech of Wendell Phillips a pre-eminent place. A meeting had been called to denounce the murder of Lovejoy, the Abolitionist editor. The audience was composed in large part of pro-slavery rowdies, who were bent on capturing or breaking up the meeting. One of their leaders — a high official of the State of Massachusetts, by the way-made a speech in which he justified the murderous act. That speech must be answered here and now, exclaimed a young man in the audience. Answer it yourself, shouted those about him. I will, was the reply, if I can reach the platform. To the platform he was assisted, and although an attempt was made for a time to howl him down, he persisted, and before long so interested and charmed his hearers that his triumph was complete. It did not take the country long to realize
boys with their freedom songs. In many ways Mr. Lincoln showed that in the beginning and throughout the earlier part of his Administration he hoped to re-establish the Union without disturbing slavery. In effect he so declared in his introduction to his freedom proclamation. He gave the rebel slaveholders one hundred days in which to abandon their rebellion and save their institution. In view of such things it is no wonder that Henry Wilson, so long a leading Republican Senator from Massachusetts, in his Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, in speaking of emancipation, said it was a policy, indeed, which he [the President] did not personally favor except in connection with his favorite idea of colonization. It is needless to say that the President's attitude was a great surprise and a sore disappointment to the more radical Anti-Slavery people of the country, who had supported him with much enthusiasm and high hopes. They felt that they had been deceived. They said so very pla
ting was held at the residence of David Dudley Field, and was attended by such men as George William Curtis, Noyes, Wilkes, Opdyke, Horace Greeley, and some twenty-five others. In the movement were such prominent people as Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, and Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio. One of the men favorable to the proposition was Governor Andrew of Massachusetts. He, says his biographer, Peleg W. Chandler, was very busy in the movement in 1864 to displace the President. The secrecy, he aMassachusetts. He, says his biographer, Peleg W. Chandler, was very busy in the movement in 1864 to displace the President. The secrecy, he adds, with which this branch of the Republican politics of that year has been ever since enveloped is something marvelous; there were so many concerned in it. When it all comes out, if it ever does, it will make a curious page in the history of the time. The signal for the abandonment of the movement, according to Mr. Chandler, was given by Mr. Chase. Almost at the beginning of the movement the Missouri Democrat, doubtless because of its supposed opposition to Mr. Lincoln, was approached on
Massachusetts Daniel Southmayd, Effingham C. Capron, Amos Phelps, John G. Whittier, Horace P. Wakefield, James Barbadoes, David T. Kimball, Jr., Daniel E. Jewitt, John R. Campbell, Nathaniel Southard, Arnold Buffum, William Lloyd Garrison.
had the loftier motive? Ten States were represented in the Philadelphia meeting, which, considering the difficulties incident to travel at that time, was a very creditable showing. One man rode six hundred miles on horseback to attend it. The following is the list of those in attendance, who became subscribers to the declaration that was promulgated: Maine David Thurston, Nathan Winslow, Joseph Southwick, James F. Otis, Isaac Winslow. New Hampshire David Campbell. Massachusetts Daniel Southmayd, Effingham C. Capron, Amos Phelps, John G. Whittier, Horace P. Wakefield, James Barbadoes, David T. Kimball, Jr., Daniel E. Jewitt, John R. Campbell, Nathaniel Southard, Arnold Buffum, William Lloyd Garrison. Rhode island John Prentice, George W. Benson. Connecticut Samuel J. May, Alpheus Kingsley, Edwin A. Stillman, Simeon Joselyn, Robert B. Hall. New York Beriah Green. Lewis Tappan, John Rankin, William Green, Jr., Abram T. Cox, William Goodell,
ge, 16; unselfishness of, 16; motives, 18; persecution of, 20; feelings against, 22; hopefulness of, 26; first presidential ticket, 28; prejudice against, 30; abuse by gentlemen, 32; women, 38; preliminary victory of, 47; denunciation of early, 49; leaders, 186-198. Adams, John Quincy, 21, 41; attempted expulsion of, from Congress, 69-71; speech in his own defense in Congress, 89. Altee, Edward P., 203. Altee, Edwin A., 203. Amalgamation, 35. Anderson Bill, 165. Andrew, Governor, of Massachusetts, Peleg's Life of, 179. Anthony, Susan B., 102, 205. Anti-Slavery, causes, 2; matter excluded from United States mails, 4; formation of party, 13; pioneers, 49-58; lecturers, 76-78; orators, 88-93; women, 100-107; mobs, 008-1 2; in Haverhill, 108; in Nantucket, 09; martyrs, 113-120; sentiment in England, 130. Anti-Slavery societies, organization, 26; in New England, 72, 74, 75, 130, 200; National, 76, 79, 87, 201. Anti-Unionist, 13. B Bacon, Benjamin C., 201. Bailey, Dr. Gamali