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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 644 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 128 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 104 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 74 0 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 66 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 50 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 50 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 50 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 48 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 42 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: August 3, 1861., [Electronic resource]. You can also browse the collection for New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) or search for New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) in all documents.

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re pledged to the payment of the expenses of the war, the wealth of stock-jobbers, of merchant princes and of commission merchants, bringing in not less than ten per cent. profits, was exempted. The common sense of the people would, he was sure, revolt against the bill. Better that the country should temporarily become bankrupt than that so odious a bill should pass. Let it become a law, and the farming interests of the whole country would rise up against the war. Mr. Edwards, of New Hampshire, thought this bill could not be forced through the House by appealing to the fears of the members, that they would be placed in an attitude of hostility to the Administration. The tax, he contended, was unequal, and therefore unjust, and he had no fears that in opposing it he ran counter to the wishes of his constituents. Mr. Diven replied that if this Congress shall adjourn without providing the requisite means demanded by the Government, they will be greater dastards than those w
at all these great interests and precious blessings were seriously imperiled. We are ready to make any appropriation reasonable in itself, and properly guarded, which looks practically to restored respect for constitutional rights, and consequently to restored fraternity, unity, peace and prosperity. Nay, more, for these objects we are ready to pledge "our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor." But we enter our solemn protest against making this the occasion for inaugurating in New Hampshire legislation like that of which the bill just passel is a type. We will not sanction appropriations of the people's hard earning, unheard of in amount, without figures, without facts, without sound reason as a basis. This legislation, in our judgment, does little less than to invite speculation. It is immaterial that this great debt is to be funded, and that the bonds are not to be redeemed this year, the next, or the year after. They are to be paid some time, by us or by our children