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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,468 0 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1,286 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 656 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 566 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 440 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 416 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 360 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 298 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 298 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 272 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) or search for South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) in all documents.

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be fought and won. Proceeding towards the scene of action about two miles, we came to a creek in the hollow where one of the hospitals for the day had been stationed, and the first wounded, some 29 or 30, had been brought. Dr. Gaston, of South Carolina, formerly a surgeon in Col. Gregg's regiment, but now attached to Gen. Beauregard's Headquarters, was assiduously attending to the wants of the wounded. At this point Generals Beauregard and Johnston, accompanied by a staff of some ten or twthe batteries and musketry, and the enemy immediately retreated. Up to the time of this attack, these batteries had been bombarding all the morning Gen. Longstreet's position in his intrenchments on this side of the run. General Evans, of South Carolina, was the first to lead his brigade into action at Stone Bridge. It consisted of the Fourth South Carolina regiment and Wheat's Louisiana battalion. Sustaining them was General Cocke's brigade, consisting of the 17th, 19th, and 28th Virginia
ll's Ford. These are facts reported to me on the ground at sundown, but they are not necessarily correct. I have hesitated to state any thing, but upon the whole have thought it best. I will send a corrected list of our casualties to-morrow. There was an engagement at the batteries above Mitchell's Ford, in which the Fifth, Seventh, and Eighth South Carolina regiments were engaged, but the facts have not transpired beyond the taking of guns. --Charleston Mercury. Another South Carolina report. army of the Potomac, camp Pickens, Monday, July 22, 1861. I gave you yesterday, as well as the circumstances would permit, my first impressions of the great battle at the Stone Bridge, and, after a day of constant inquiry, and as much reflection as was possible, I will attempt to give a more perfect outline of that most brilliant military achievement. As I stated, the battle was expected. All things indicated the approach of an impending crisis. The moral atmosphere
ecorded in history. So far, there has been astonishingly little bloodshed, and it seems likely to prove civil in more senses than one. The alienation which has long existed between the North and South may teach us to be sparing of our rhetoric about fratricide. The Americans are brothers much as all people that on earth do dwell are brothers, but there has been far more real fellowship of feeling between Frenchmen and Englishmen during the last forty years than between the citizens of South Carolina and Massachusetts. As for the causes of the present strife, they are infinitely more respectable than the keys of the Holy Sepulchre, which took us to the Crimea, and cost the lives of tens of thousands of Englishmen. Finally, it is not true that democracy in America is unlimited, as the writer will find by turning to M. de Tocqueville. One great object of the framers of the American Constitution was to limit the power of the people. Both in the mode of its election and its appointmen
to their own consciences, in an act of rebellion? There is one notable feature in the attitude of the South. The cry of disunion comes, not from those who suffer most from northern outrage, but from those who suffer least. It comes from South Carolina, and Georgia, and Alabama, and Mississippi, whose slave property is rendered comparatively secure by the intervention of other slaveholding States between them and the free States, and not from Delaware, and Maryland, and Virginia, and Kentuc Virginia do not intend to become the theatre of desolating wars between the North and the South; Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri do not intend that their peaceful channels of commerce shall become rivers of blood to gratify the ambition of South Carolina and Alabama, who at a remote distance from present danger cry out disunion. I have said that the South has all along had a peaceful remedy and has it still. The union sentiment is overwhelming in all the Middle and Western States, constit
y has never seriously been maintained. Some years ago South Carolina, that gallant State of vast pretensions but little powssert its soundness. A favored son of the State, with South Carolina's reckless, unreflecting daring, was bold enough to ch forming it. The doctrine of compact in the days of South Carolina nullification, (she has been before restive and troublits over-whelming effect on the nullifying doctrine of South Carolina. How clear, how convincing are all these to show th reason for believing, satisfy the whole South, except South Carolina, whilst in her present frenzy, and perhaps one or two ven a partial prosperity. This is eminently true of South Carolina--one of the smallest of the States. Without soldiers,bound to observe in good faith all its engagements. South Carolina, too. Who is willing to part with her? Her great namerther outrages on the clearest constitutional rights. South Carolina has violently and most illegally, and, as loyalty says
onal institutions. But the politicians of the Cotton States had long familiarized themselves with ultra ambitious schemes; they were committed, especially in South Carolina, beyond any dignity of retraction to vain State rights theories and threats of State action; they embraced wild, dazzling, but unscrupulous and impracticable ge of their own wrong, and pronounced a political crime the success of a sectional party, to which they had deliberately contributed. Then the oligarchy of South Carolina, (a State not very homogeneous, politically or socially, with any other part of the nation,) with contemptuous disregard of the dignity and of the counsels of their neighbors, coolly set, themselves to convert a great excitement into temporary madness. They applied the torch to the temple of free Government. South Carolina assumed the bad eminence of leader in revolution and ruin. Thus aided, the arts of demagogues and the violent energies of rebellious spirits elsewhere dragged or
Doc. 62 1/2.-views of a Southerner. We are permitted by a friend in Charleston to publish the following extracts from a private letter lately received from a distinguished statesman and able citizen, now in retirement: I thought also that if only Georgia would secede with South Carolina, the North would see at once the folly of any attempt at coercion, and acknowledge our independence. But, lo! after seven States had seceded and formed a new and glorious Constitution, they make war upon us; and after four other States had joined us, and there was scarcely a doubt that three more would soon, they continued war on the largest and most formidable scale. Interests These people are mad. The reason of it, aside from what I have said, is palpable to any reflecting man who has travelled over Europe. If you have not done so, you may hesitate to believe me when I say that the masses of even Western Europe are less civilized than our negroes. With greater capacity for it, they lav
egion as fast as settled; and from distant South Carolina, great-hearted Christopher Gadsden answereState allegiance, which was promulgated by South Carolina in 1832, and, though exploded by her own C of evil intent as Satan himself, the State of South Carolina raised the war-cry of rebellion, and our part towards giving the reply. The South Carolina Declaration of causes for secession, revied as the other States followed the lead of South Carolina, it is fair to assume that the causes whicngent in its provisions that Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina, one of the arch instigators of treason thh ignoble work, is no more true, than that South Carolina was faithless to the cause of liberty in tbeen elected, on the principles alleged by South Carolina in her Declaration, or even on worse — it its grave. Mr. Rhett. The secession of South Carolina is not an event of a day. It is not any thlared a few years ago for the secession of South Carolina? and that secession would be the consumma[2 more...]
months ago, the functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the Post-Office Department. Withinpting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized, had been put in improved condition, new ones had been built, and armed forces had been organresolved to send it forward as had been intended. In this contingency it was also resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort, and that if the attempt should not be resisted, y be well questioned whether there is today a majority of the legally qualified voters of any State, except, perhaps, South Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are the majority in many, if not in every
war Department, Washington, July 1, 1861. Sir — I have the honor to submit the following report of the operations of this department: The accompanying statements of the Adjutant-General will show the number, description, and distribution of the troops which are now in service. It forms no part of the duty of this department to enter upon a discussion of the preliminary circumstances which have contributed to the present condition of public affairs. The secession ordinance of South Carolina was passed on the 20th of December last, and from that period until the majesty of the Government was made manifest, immediately after you had assumed the chief magistracy, the conspirators against its Constitution and laws have left nothing undone to perpetuate the memory of their infamy. Revenue steamers have been deliberately betrayed by their commanders, or, where treason could not be brought to consummate the defection, have been overpowered by rebel troops at the command of disloy
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