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itive Slave law in 1850, he suffered no reproach or loss of support from the mass of his party in the city; and the willing agents in its execution lost no favor, social or political. Longfellow wrote at this time, Sept. 15, 1850, in his diary:— The day has been blackened to me by reading of the passage of the Fugitive Slave bill in the House, Eliot of Boston voting for it. This is a dark disgrace to the city. If we should read in Dino Compagni that in the tenth century a citizen of Florence had given such a vote, we should see what an action he had done. But this the people of Boston cannot see in themselves; they will uphold it. Social pressure was freely brought to bear to enforce conformity in politics and arrest tendencies to radicalism, or to opinions or conduct which were contrary to the conventional standard. Men of courage who pushed moral principles into politics were stigmatized as fanatics and demagogues. A Frenchman visiting Boston in 1851 found that the men
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 14 (search)
he had been more or less intimate, were those of William Jay, Oct. 14, 1858; Prescott, Jan. 28, 1859; His last letter from Sumner was written from Aix-les-Bains, Sept. 15, 1858. Horace Mann, Aug. 2, 1859; Tributes to Mr. Mann may be found in Sumner's Works, vol. IV. p. 424; vol. v. p. 288. Dr. G. Bailey of the National Era, June 5, 1859; Sumner expected to meet Dr. Bailey in Paris, but he died at sea on his way to Europe. and Tocqueville, April 16, 1859. Theodore Parker died in Florence a few months later, May 10, 1860. Sumner wrote to Parker, Aug. 22, 1859:— You will mourn Horace Mann. He has done much; but I wish he had lived to enjoy the fruits of his noble toils. He never should have left Massachusetts. His last years would have been happier and more influential had he stayed at home. His portrait ought to be in every public school in the State, and his statue in the State House. A statue of Mann, to which Sumner contributed, was unveiled in front of the