Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Raleigh (North Carolina, United States) or search for Raleigh (North Carolina, United States) in all documents.

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o well satisfied that they invited him to speak again, in their place of worship. Before this second meeting adjourned, an anti-Slavery society was formed; and he proceeded to hold fifteen or twenty similar meetings at other places within that State. In one instance, he spoke at a house-raising; in another, at a militia muster. Here an anti-Slavery society of fourteen members was thereupon formed, with the captain of the militia company for its President. One of his meetings was held at Raleigh, the capital. Before he had left the State, lie had organized twelve or fourteen Abolition Societies. He continued his journey through Virginia, holding several meetings, and organizing societies — of course, not very numerous, nor composed of the most influential persons. It is probable that his Quaker brethren supplied him with introductions from place to place, and that his meetings were held at the points where violent opposition was least likely to be offered. He reached Baltimor
knowledged by Mexico, and her war with that country unconcluded. Mr. Clay set forth his view of the matter in a letter to The National Intelligencer, dated Raleigh, N. C., April 17, 1844 --three days earlier than the date of Mr. Van Buren's letter. Premising that he had believed and maintained that Texas was included in the Loelf of the present occasion to correct the erroneous interpretation of one or two of those which I had previously written. In April last, I addressed to you from Raleigh a letter in respect to the proposed treaty annexing Texas to the United States, and I have since addressed two letters to Alabama upon the same subject. Most unwnd a meaning attributed to me which I never entertained. I wish now distinctly to say, that there is not a feeling, a sentiment, or an opinion, expressed in my Raleigh letter to which I do not adhere. I am decidedly opposed to the immediate Annexation of Texas to the United States. I think it would be dishonorable, might invol
uration on the 4th of March ensuing. So the result contemplated and labored for by at least two of the four contending parties in the canvass had been secured. What next? In October, 1856, a Convention of Southern Governors was held at Raleigh, N. C., at the invitation of Gov. Wise, of Virginia. This gathering was kept secret at the time; but it was afterward proclaimed by Gov. Wise that, had Fremont been elected, he would have marched at the head of twenty thousand men to Washington, ans were baffled for the time. North Carolina was under the rule, but not at first under the control, of the conspirators. Among the dispatches flying, thick as hail, over the South the day after Lincoln's election, was the following: Raleigh, N. C., Nov. 7, 1860. The Governor and Council are in session. The people are very much excited. North Carolina is ready to secede. The Governor (John W. Ellis) and Legislature being of the Breckinridge school of Democracy, it was easy to c
n made upon me for such an object — an object, in my judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the Act of 1795--will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate civil war; and, having done so, we will meet you in a spirit as determined as the Administration has exhibited toward the South. To the same effect, Gov. Ellis, of North Carolina--who had long been thoroughly in the interest and counsels of the plotters of Disunion — responded to the call as follows: Raleigh, April 15, 1861. Honorable Simon Cameron, Secretary of War: Your dispatch is received, and, if genuine — which its extraordinary character leads me to doubt — I have to say in reply, that I regard the levy of troops made by the Administration for the purpose of subjugating the States of the South, as in violation of the Constitution, and a usurpation of power. I can be no party to this wicked violation of the laws of the country, and to this war upon the liberties of a free people. Yo
to fight and die for the traitorous cause they abhorred. The State of North Carolina, though never deliberately and intelligently hostile to the Union, became a much easier prey to the conspirators. Her Democratic Legislature — reconvened at Raleigh, November 19th, 1860--had refused, a month later, to pass a bill to arm the State, though visited and entreated to that end by Hon. Jacob Thompson, then a member of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet; and had adjourned December 22d. without even calling y for No Convention, 651. This vote temporarily checked all open, aggressive movements in the interest of Disunion, but did not arrest nor diminish the efforts of its champions. On the contrary, a great State Rights Convention was assembled at Raleigh on the 22d of March, and largely attended by leading Disunionists from South Carolina, Virginia, and other States. Its spirit and its demonstrations left no doubt of the fixed resolve of the master-spirits to take their State out of the Union,
t among nations — could not be quenched even in their own life-blood. And, on the other hand, the flag rendered illustrious by the triumphs of Gates and Greene and Washington — of Harrison, Brown, Scott, Macomb, and Jackson — of Truxtun, Decatur, Hull, Perry, Porter, and McDonough — was throughout a tower of strength to the Unionists. In the hours darkened by shameful defeat and needless disaster, when the Republic seemed rocking and reeling on the very brink of destruction — when Europe almost unanimously pronounced the Union irretrievably lost, and condemned the infatuation that demanded persistence in an utterly hopeless contest — the heart of the loyal Millions never faltered, nor was their faith shaken that, in spite of present reverses, the flag of their fathers would float once more over Richmond and Charleston and Montgomery, over Raleigh, Atlanta, and Houston, the symbol of National authority and power, accepted, beloved, and rejoiced in, by a great, free, happ
hio, at Charleston, 322. Punta Arenas, surrender of Walker at, 276. Q. Quakers, the, assist Lundy in North Carolina, 113; their opposition to Slavery, 117-18; they petition Congress for abolition in the Federal District, 144. Quincy, Josiah, of Boston, threatens contingent secession, 85. Quitman, John A., in the Democratic Convention of 1856, 246; a filibuster, 270; statement of with regard to Senator Douglas, 512. R. Rains, Gen., one of Jackson's Brigadiers, 574. Raleigh, N. C., Convention of Southern Governors at, 329; State Rights Convention at, 485. Randolph, George W., one of the Virginia Commissioners to President Lincoln, 452. Randolph, John, of Roanoke, opposes the introduction of Slavery into the North-West Territory, 52; 109; 110; 154; his opinion on the Cuba question, 268. Reagan, John H., of Texas, elected to Congress, 339; a member of Davis's Cabinet, 429. Realf, Richard, John Brown's Sec. of State, 287. Rebellion Record, The, in rela