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Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 340 340 Browse Search
William Tecumseh Sherman, Memoirs of General William T. Sherman . 202 4 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 177 51 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 142 2 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 131 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 130 0 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 128 0 Browse Search
Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant 89 1 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 82 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 73 5 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for St. Louis (Missouri, United States) or search for St. Louis (Missouri, United States) in all documents.

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xistence or the increase of its power. But this does not at all impinge on the fact that Slavery in our Union did secure by this acquisition a vast extension of its power and influence. Louisiana came to us a slaveholding territory; had been such, whether under French or Spanish rule, for generations. Though its population was sparse, it was nevertheless widely dispersed along the Mississippi and its lower tributaries, there being quite considerable settlements at and in the vicinity of St. Louis. Slavery had thus already achieved a lodgment and a firm foothold in this vast, inviting domain. Possession is notoriously nine points of the law; but in this case the tenth was not wanting. The white inhabitants were habituated to slaveholding, liked it, and indolently believed it to be conducive to their importance, their wealth, and their comfort. Of the swarm of emigrants and adventurers certain to pour in upon them as a consequence of our acquisition, a large majority would natura
, being his twenty-seventh birthday. Short and simple as it was, it contained the germ of the entire anti-Slavery movement. A weekly journal entitled The Philanthropist was soon after started at Mount Pleasant by Charles Osborne; and Lundy, at the editor's invitation, contributed to its columns, mainly by selections. In a few months, he was urged by Osborne to join him in the newspaper enterprise, and finally consented to do so, removing to Mount Pleasant. Meantime, he made a voyage to St. Louis in a flat-boat to dispose of his stock of saddlery. Arriving at that city in the fall of 1819, when the whole region was convulsed by the Missouri Question, he was impelled to write on the side there unpopular in the journals of the day. His speculation proved unfortunate — the whole West, and, indeed, the whole country, being then involved in a commercial convulsion, with trade stagnant and almost every one bankrupt. He returned to his home on foot during the ensuing winter, having been
f that year found employment as a teacher in St. Louis. In 1828, he became editor of a political j in the autumn of that year, and returned to St. Louis, at the urgent invitation of a circle of fel resentment in a city so largely Catholic as St. Louis, excited no tumult or violence. Its first ahe establishment to them, intending to leave St. Louis; but they handed it over in payment of a deb but, while there, a letter reached him from St. Louis, urging him to return and remain, which he d came in due course before the grand jury of St. Louis for investigation, and a Judge, who bore theere more useful and better supported than at St. Louis. His first issue at Alton is dated Septembe establish a religious paper. When I was in St. Louis, I felt myself called upon to treat at largeon to discuss the subject than when I was in St. Louis. The above, as we have stated, was his lang insure its destruction. It finally reached St. Louis on the night of the 5th, and an arrangement [7 more...]
umber of negroes were compactly settled, Edward Gorsuch, a Maryland slaveholder, who attempted, with two or three accomplices, to seize his alleged slaves, four in number, was resisted by the alarmed, indignant blacks, and received a ball from a musket fired by one of them which proved fatal; and his son, who had accompanied him, was wounded. And in Milwaukee, Wis., Sherman M. Booth having been convicted in the U. S. District Court of aiding in the rescue of Joshua Glover, a fugitive from St. Louis, the Supreme Court of that State, on a habeas corpus sued out in his behalf, decided the Fugitive Slave Law unconstitutional and void, and set him at liberty. This decision was overruled, however, by the Supreme Court of the United States in a unanimous decision affirming the validity of the Fugitive Slave Law, and directing that, though a State Court might properly grant a habeas corpus in behalf of a person imprisoned under Federal authority, yet that the custodian in such case had only
ansferred to Fort Snelling in 1836, and here bought Harriet of Major Taliaferro, and held her and Dred as his slaves; they being married to each other with his consent soon after his arrival at the Fort. Two children were born to them; Eliza, in 1838, on board the steamboat Gipsy, on their way down the Mississippi, but still north of the Missouri line; Lizzie, seven years later, at Jefferson Barracks, in the State of Missouri. The doctor, with Dred, Harriet, and Eliza, returned thence to St. Louis, and he there continued to hold them as his slaves, until he sold them, several years later, to John F. A. Sanford, of the State and City of New York. Finally, Dred brought suit for his freedom, on the above state of facts, in the State Circuit Court of St. Louis County, Missouri, and obtained a verdict and judgment in his favor. But this was reversed by a judgment on a writ of error to the Supreme Court of that State, from which an appeal was taken to the courts of the United States, an
calculating that his soldiers will thereupon instinctively spring to his and its rescue at all hazards. The event proved the efficiency of the method, if not the perfect accuracy of the calculation. But the long-standing conspiracy for Disunion was favored, at this crisis, by very powerful incidental influences, whereof the principal were as follows: 1. No public opposition to Slavery having, for many years, been permitted in the slave-holding region, save at a very few points like St. Louis, where the Free-Labor interest had, from the force of circumstances, silently and suddenly achieved a practical preponderance, the journals, the religious organizations, and the political parties, were all immeasurably subservient to the Slave Power. In fact, the chief topic of political contention, whether in the press or on the stump, had for twenty years been the relative soundness and thoroughness of the rival parties in their devotion to Slavery. On this ground, Gen. Jackson had imm
en communicating with Major Anderson. In Louisiana, the Federal arsenal at Baton Rouge was seized by order of Gov. Moore on the 11th. Forts Jackson and St. Philip, commanding the passage up the Mississippi to New Orleans, and Fort Pike, at the entrance of Lake Pontchartrain, were likewise seized and garrisoned by State troops. The Federal Mint and Custom-House at New Orleans were left untouched until February 1st, when they, too, were taken possession of by the State authorities. In St. Louis, the Custom-House, Sub-Treasury, and Post Office were garrisoned by a handful of Federal soldiers as a protection against a similar movement. Mr. Thomas, after a very few days' service, resigned control of the Treasury, and was succeeded by Gen. John A. Dix, of New York. In Florida, Fort Barrancas and the Navy Yard at Pensacola were seized by Florida and Alabama forces on the 13th; Commander Armstrong surrendering them without a struggle. He ordered Lieut. Slemmer, likewise, to surr
e people's representatives, before proceeding to ulterior measures; and upon those representatives, when they are assembled, we shall, without questioning the legal rights of the Government, urge the impolicy of advising and consenting to the recapture of forts and public property, which we do not want in States out of the Union, and which, certainly, cannot be permanently regained to the Union by military force. Few or no journals issued in the Slave States--save a portion of those of St. Louis and Knoxville — gave the call a more cordial greeting than this. Gov. Claiborne F. Jackson, April 16th. of Missouri, gave these among his reasons for disregarding and defying the President's call: It is illegal, unconstitutional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical, and cannot be complied with. He added: Not one man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on so unholy a crusade. Gov. Burton, of Delaware, deferred his response to the 26th, and then stated that the law
souri Blair and Lyon rally a Union force at St. Louis Kentucky. the Convention of Virginia, whovided a metropolitan police for the city of St. Louis, under the control of five Commissioners, toouth of them. The mercantile aristocracy of St. Louis was predominantly devoted to their supposed rests and docile to their commands. But for St. Louis on one side and Kansas on the other, Missouro deadly hostility to the Slave Power; while St. Louis possessed, in her liberty-loving Germans, in four others were in process of formation in St. Louis, within ten days from the issue of the Presits of treason. But the Federal Arsenal at St. Louis had a garrison of several hundred regulars, William S. Harney returned from the East to St. Louis on the 12th, and took command of the Union fsoon, June 11th. an interview was had, at St. Louis, between Gen. Price, on behalf of the Governity; and the next morning brought tidings to St. Louis that the Gasconade railroad bridge had been
battle; wherein Gen. Scott developed his conception of the strategy required for the overthrow of the Rebellion, as follows: If the matter had been left to him, he said, he would have commenced by a perfect blockade of every Southern port on the Atlantic and on the Gulf Then he would have collected a large force at the capital for defensive purposes, and another large one on the Mississippi for offensive operations. The Summer months, during which it is madness to take troops south of St. Louis, should have been devoted to tactical instruction — and, with the first frosts of Autumn, he would have taken a column of 80,000 well-disciplined troops down the Mississippi — and taken every important point on that river, New Orleans included. It could have been done, he said, with greater ease, with less loss of life, and with far more important results, than would attend the marching of an army to Richmond. At eight points, the river would probably have been defended, and eight battles
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