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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
o throw off despotism of party; and with a view to unite men of all parties against the future encroachments of slavery, a mass Convention was called, to meet at Worcester on the 28th of June, 1848. In that convention, Mr. Charles Francis Adams, Mr. Giddings, and Mr. Sumner were the chief speakers, and the leading spirits. Beforeny practical plan of operations, that could be carried out without open war upon the Constitution. At this time—September 12, 1849—a Free-soil Convention met at Worcester, and Mr. Sumner was invited to present an address explaining and vindicating the Free-soil movement, and that address was adopted by the Convention. As nothingample of the Fathers of the Republic, and desirous of breathing their spirit into our Government, the Free Democracy of Massachusetts, in Convention assembled at Worcester, now address their fellow-citizens throughout the Commonwealth. Imperfectly, according to the necessity of the occasion—earnestly, according to the fulness of t<
great influence in Ohio, while Mr. Charles Francis Adams, and his friend, Charles Sumner, were putting forth their mightiest efforts to restore to the old Commonwealth of Massachusetts Bay the spirit of liberty, whose beacon-fires had long ago begun to grow dim. There was a general disposition, through many portions of the North, to throw off despotism of party; and with a view to unite men of all parties against the future encroachments of slavery, a mass Convention was called, to meet at Worcester on the 28th of June, 1848. In that convention, Mr. Charles Francis Adams, Mr. Giddings, and Mr. Sumner were the chief speakers, and the leading spirits. Before Mr. Sumner spoke, Charles Francis Adams, after showing how basely the Whig Party had prostituted itself to the behests of slavery, closed with the following stirring words: The only thing to be done by all under such circumstances, is what as one, individually, I have made up my mind to do, that is—to have nothing more to do w
red at the ballot-box. But the great mass of the people had yet no clear idea of any practical plan of operations, that could be carried out without open war upon the Constitution. At this time—September 12, 1849—a Free-soil Convention met at Worcester, and Mr. Sumner was invited to present an address explaining and vindicating the Free-soil movement, and that address was adopted by the Convention. As nothing appeared at the time which put forth so clearly, or with so much power, the great righteous cause,—solicitous of the true welfare of the country,—animated by the example of the Fathers of the Republic, and desirous of breathing their spirit into our Government, the Free Democracy of Massachusetts, in Convention assembled at Worcester, now address their fellow-citizens throughout the Commonwealth. Imperfectly, according to the necessity of the occasion—earnestly, according to the fulness of their convictions—hopefully, according to the confidence of their aspirations,
Anti-Slavery Enterprise in our day,—then ruthlessly tearing him away, amidst savage threats and with a halter about his neck, dragged him through the streets, until, at last, guilty only of loving liberty, if not wisely, too well, this unoffending citizen was thrust into the common jail for protection against an infuriated populace. Nor was Boston alone. Even villages, in remote rural solitude, belched forth in similar outrage; while the large towns, like Providence, New Haven, Utica. Worcester, Alton, Cincinnati, Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York, became so many fiery craters, overflowing with rage and madness. What lawless violence failed to accomplish was next urged through the forms of law. By solemn legislative acts, the Slave States called on the Free States promptly and effectually to suppress all associations within their respective limits purporting to be Abolition Societies; and Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New York basely hearkened to the base proposition. The
Anti-Slavery Enterprise in our day,—then ruthlessly tearing him away, amidst savage threats and with a halter about his neck, dragged him through the streets, until, at last, guilty only of loving liberty, if not wisely, too well, this unoffending citizen was thrust into the common jail for protection against an infuriated populace. Nor was Boston alone. Even villages, in remote rural solitude, belched forth in similar outrage; while the large towns, like Providence, New Haven, Utica. Worcester, Alton, Cincinnati, Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York, became so many fiery craters, overflowing with rage and madness. What lawless violence failed to accomplish was next urged through the forms of law. By solemn legislative acts, the Slave States called on the Free States promptly and effectually to suppress all associations within their respective limits purporting to be Abolition Societies; and Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New York basely hearkened to the base proposition. The
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
ression does not seem too strong, when we recognize the infection of Slavery, breaking out sometimes in violence and mobs, and as constantly manifest in the press, public speeches, and in a corrupt public sentiment. It belongs to the Republican party, by gentle and healing influences, guided by a firm hand. to inaugurate the work of cure, that health may be substituted for disease. Xxx. On the 29th of the same month, the Republicans of Massachusetts assembled in Mass Convention at Worcester, to ratify the nomination of Mr. Lincoln for President, and John A. Andrew, for the first time, as Governor of Massachusetts. Mr. Sumner delivered the principal speech, on The Presidential Candidates, and the Issues of the Canvass. He went into a clear and analytical exposition of the entire merits of the question,—the comparative claims for support of Lincoln and Hamlin, representing the now formidable Republican party; of Breckenridge and Lane, the candidates of the now clearly announce
Xxx. On the 29th of the same month, the Republicans of Massachusetts assembled in Mass Convention at Worcester, to ratify the nomination of Mr. Lincoln for President, and John A. Andrew, for the first time, as Governor of Massachusetts. Mr. Sumner delivered the principal speech, on The Presidential Candidates, and the Issues of the Canvass. He went into a clear and analytical exposition of the entire merits of the question,—the comparative claims for support of Lincoln and Hamlin, representing the now formidable Republican party; of Breckenridge and Lane, the candidates of the now clearly announced champions of the Democratic Pro-Slavery Party; of Douglas and Johnson, the candidates of the seceding body of Democrats, known as the Douglas, or Squatter Sovereignty Party; and of bell and Everett, candidates of the few old remaining Whigs, who, like venerable barnacles, were still clinging to a sinking ship. Nothing but imperative necessity exeludes that speech from this volume.
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
appealed, was sure in the end to come to his position. Vii. On the first of October, 1861, he addressed the Republican State Convention, which again met at Worcester, on the topic of the hour, in a most effective speech, which, under various titles, was widely circulated. In one pamphlet it was called Emancipation the Cure ile Mr. Sumner was disposed to render all the aid he could to Mr. Lincoln, he everywhere advocated a widely different policy,—the one which he first announced at Worcester,—repeated and reiterated in speeches in the Senate,—in his daily conversation, and in his broad correspondence with enlightened men all over Christendom. In Engeven such men as Orestes A. Brownson, the most vigorous thinker and writer of the Catholic Church—and, in fact, from all orders and classes of men, the Speech at Worcester had been warmly applauded, and the course he was afterwards taking, most earnestly sanctioned. Xiv. But while this thing was slowly righting itself in the
Vii. On the first of October, 1861, he addressed the Republican State Convention, which again met at Worcester, on the topic of the hour, in a most effective speech, which, under various titles, was widely circulated. In one pamphlet it was called Emancipation the Cure of the Rebellion; another, Union and Peace: how they shall be restored; and again, Emancipation our best Weapon. In opening the business of the Convention, its chairman, Mr. Dawes, said: Since last assembled here for a kindred purpose, the mighty march of events has borne the popular effort on to a higher plane, than ever before opened to the gaze of man. Massachusetts cannot if she would, and thank God, she would not if she could, perform an indifferent part in this life-struggle of the Republic. As Mr. Sumner rose to speak, the warmth of his reception indicated feelings of gratitude for his public services, that must have been grateful to him after all that had occurred. But he well knew that the Republica
dry: and when the fuse is lit, I intend to have them touch it off themselves. While Mr. Sumner was disposed to render all the aid he could to Mr. Lincoln, he everywhere advocated a widely different policy,—the one which he first announced at Worcester,—repeated and reiterated in speeches in the Senate,—in his daily conversation, and in his broad correspondence with enlightened men all over Christendom. In England, France, and Germany, his views were widely made known, under the advocacy of n England; by such men as Count Gasparin, and Edouard Laboulaye, of Paris; by Joshua R. Giddings, our Consul-General at Montreal; by Carl Schurz, then Minister to Spain; by William S. Thayer, Consul-General to Egypt; while at home, even such men as Orestes A. Brownson, the most vigorous thinker and writer of the Catholic Church—and, in fact, from all orders and classes of men, the Speech at Worcester had been warmly applauded, and the course he was afterwards taking, most earnestly san