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Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 690 0 Browse Search
Col. John M. Harrell, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.2, Arkansas (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 662 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 310 0 Browse Search
Wiley Britton, Memoirs of the Rebellion on the Border 1863. 188 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 174 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 152 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 148 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 142 0 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 3. 132 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 6. (ed. Frank Moore) 130 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Arkansas (Arkansas, United States) or search for Arkansas (Arkansas, United States) in all documents.

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of Garrison and Wendell Phillips. The constantly and widely diverging currents of American opinion soon left the Colonization movement hopelessly stranded. The teachings of the new Southern school tended palpably toward the extirpation from the South of the free-negro anomaly, through reenslavement rather than exile. Legislative efforts to decree a general sale of free negroes into absolute slavery were made in several States, barely defeated in two or three, and fully successful in one. Arkansas, in 1858-9, enacted the enslavement of all free colored persons within her limits, who should not remove beyond them before the ensuing 4th of July, and this atrocious edict was actually enforced by her authorities. The negroes generally escaped; but, if any remained, they did so in view of the fact that the first sheriff who could lay hands on them would hurry them to the auction-block, and sell them to the highest bidder. And this was but a foretaste of the fate to which the new Souther
ered at this session, and Mr. Taylor, of New York, moved the application thereto of the restriction aforesaid. So much of it as required that all slaves born within the Territory after the passage of this act should be free at twenty-five years of age, was carried, February 17th. by 75 Yeas to 72 Nays, and the residue defeated by 70 Yeas to 71 Nays. Next day, however, the adopted clause was reconsidered and stricken out, and the bill ultimately passed without any reference to Slavery. Arkansas became in consequence a Slave Territory, and ultimately a Slave State. A new Congress convened December 6, 1819; and Mr. Scott December 8th. moved a reference to a Select Committee of the memorials from Missouri, including that of her Territorial Legislature, asking admission into the Union. This motion prevailed, and Mr. Speaker Clay appointed as such Committee three members from Slave States, beside Mr. Scott, who was chairman, with but one from a Free State. In the Senate, the le
still does, the same. The North emerged from the Missouri struggle chafed and mortified. It felt that, with Right and Power both on its side, it had been badly beaten, through the treachery of certain of its own representatives, whom it proceeded to deal with accordingly. Few, indeed — hardly one--of those Northern members who had sided with the South in that struggle were reflected. That lesson given, what more could be done? Missouri was in the Union, and could not be turned out. Arkansas was organized as a Slave Territory, and would in due time become a Slave State. What use in protracting an agitation which had no longer a definite object? Mr. Monroe had just been reflected President, and the harmony of the party would be disturbed by permitting the feud to become chronic. Those who perpetuated it would be most unlikely to share bounteously in the distribution of Federal offices and honors. Then a new Presidential contest began to loom up in the distance, and all manne
ured Mr. Clay's election, giving him 141 electoral votes to 134 for his opponent. As it was, Mr. Clay received the electoral votes of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee--105 in all, being those of eleven States; while Mr. Polk was supported by Maine, New Hampshire, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, and Arkansas--fifteen States, casting 170 electoral votes. The popular votes throughout the country, as returned, were, for Clay, 1,288,533; for Polk, 1,327,325; for Birney, 62,263. So the triumph of Annexation had been secured by the indirect aid of the more intense partisans of Abolition. The Presidential canvass of 1844 had been not only the most arduous but the most equal of any that the country had ever known, with the possible exception of that of 1800. The election of Madison in 1812, of Ja
submitted by Mr. William L. Yancey, of Alabama, in the following guise: Resolved, That the doctrine of noninterference with the rights of property of any portion of the people of this confederacy, be it in the States or Territories thereof, by any other than the parties interested in them, is the true Republican doctrine recognized by this body. The party was not yet ready for such strong meat, and this resolve was rejected: Nays 216; Yeas 36--South Carolina 9; Alabama 9; Georgia 9; Arkansas 3; Florida 3; Maryland 1; Kentucky 1; Tennessee 1. The Whig National Convention assembled in Philadelphia, June 7th. Gen. Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, had on the first ballot 111 votes for President to 97 for Henry Clay, 43 for General Scott, 22 for Mr. Webster, and 6 scattering. On the fourth ballot (next day), Gen. Taylor had 171 to 107 for all others, and was declared nominated. Millard Fillmore, of New York, had 115 votes for Vice-President, on the first ballot, to 109 for Abbott
d and beaten: Yeas 20; Nays 25--the Nays nearly all from the South. He tried again next day, when Mr. Solon Borland, of Arkansas, moved that it do lie on the table, which prevailed: Yeas 23; Nays 17--as before. So the South defeated any organization and Rusk, of Texas; Dixon, of Kentucky; Bell and Jones, of Tennessee; Atchison, of Missouri; Sebastian and Johnson, of Arkansas; Gwin and Weller, of California--36. So the Senate decisively voted that the people of the new Territories, formed bheir dens in Missouri. President Pierce appointed Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, Governor, and Daniel Woodson, of Arkansas, Secretary of Kansas, with judicial officers of whom a majority were from Slave States--one of them taking a number of section at the tent of Claiborne F. Jackson. Democratic Governor of Missouri, elected in 1860; died a Rebel refugee in Arkansas, 1862. Finding that they had more men than were needed to carry the Lawrence district, they dispatched companies of one
tels for the unhealthy swamps and lowlands of Arkansas and Louisiana. In any case its subservience Hammond, Hemphill, Hunter, Iverson, Johnson, of Ark., Johnson, of Tenn., Kennedy, Lano (Oregon), Lat of Missouri, R. W. Johnson and Sebastian, of Arkansas--28 from Slave States alone — every Slave Stag their competitors. Francis B. Flournoy, of Arkansas, was chosen temporary Chairman; Gen. Caleb Cua, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Missouri, 4 1/2; Tennessee, 1; Kentucky, a, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Missouri. 5; Tennessee, 11; Kentucky, 9 1ill destroy this Union. Mr. B. Burrow, of Arkansas, announced the withdrawal of three delegates ere positively instructed by the Democracy of Arkansas to insist on the recognition of the equal rigrecognize the principles required by the State of Arkansas, in her popular Convention first, and twy, which they had opposed. Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, now announced the withdrawal, after due cons[1 more...]
Georgia follows — so do Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas Arkansas, North Carolina, Virginia, Missouri, Tennessee, Kentucky, Maryland and Delawarnessee (no ticket) 11,350 64,209 69,274 Missouri 17,028 58,801 31,317 58,372 Arkansas (no ticket) 5,227 28,732 20,094 Louisiana (no ticket) 7,625 22,681 20,204 Flhis is the only way to save it; and we can do it. Gov. Elias N. Conway, of Arkansas, transmitted his Annual Message to the new Legislature of that State on the 19 States for President — as thoroughly in Delaware or Maryland as in Georgia or Arkansas--that they seemed to be crushed out of life, or anxious to merge their distinc vote Secession than not at all, and not to vote at all than to vote Union. Arkansas, in spite of her Governor's reticence, was blest with a Convention; Novembehe movement, were as follows: States.Free Population in 1860.Slaves.Total. Arkansas324,323111,104435,427 Delaware110,4201,798112,218 Kentucky930,223225,4901,155
ndependence, and he was satisfied that three other States would follow as soon as the action of their people can be had. Arkansas will call her Convention, and Louisiana will follow. And, though there is a clog in the way in the lone star of Texas, a division of several of the latter into two or more States each. Mr. Thomas C. Hindman, Since, a Rebel Brigadier. of Arkansas, proposed to so amend the Constitution as to protect slave property in the territories, etc., etc., and that any State w Messrs. Iverson, of Georgia, Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana, Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas, and R. W. Johnson, of Arkansas--who had voted just before against taking up the Kansas bill-had now absented themselves or sat silent, and allowed Mr. ee encountered the same obstacles, and achieved a like failure, with its counterpart in the Senate. Mr. Albert Rust, of Arkansas, submitted to it December 17th. a proposition which was substantially identical with Mr. Crittenden's, and which he p
en captured by the Louisiana troops; the New Orleans Mint and Custom-House had been taken; the Little Rock Arsenal had been seized by the Arkansas troops [though Arkansas had refused to secede]; and, on the 16th of February, Gen. Twiggs had transferred the public property in Texas to the State authorities. All of these events hadtly upon whether we present to the world, as I trust we shall, a better government than that to which they belong. If we do this, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, cannot hesitate long; neither can Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri. They will necessarily gravitate to us by an imperious law. We made ample provision in our Cd the range of possibility, and even probability, that all the great States of the North-West shall gravitate this way, as well as Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, etc. Should they do so, our doors are wide enough to receive them; but not until they are ready to assimilate with us in principle. The process of disintegra
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