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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 6 2 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 4 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 4 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 2 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for James W. Thompson or search for James W. Thompson in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
on of Paradise lost. . . . Kent is most acceptable to pupils and to all the professors. Prescott's Peru is printed; he is joyous, and even talks of a mission to London. He challenges me to join him. I might if I were independent in condition; but I must drudge, drudge, drudge. I see nothing of Nathan der Weise. Nathan Appleton. Politics have parted us; much displeasure has been directed against me. I could have wished it otherwise, but cannot regret anything I have done. To Rev. James W. Thompson, Salem, April 1:— The science of comparative philology, of which we find the first full exposition, I suppose, in Adelung, The German philologist, 1732-1806. reveals relations and affinities between languages which have not before been supposed. Leibnitz thought he might invent a universal language. When we consider what the Arabic numerals and music accomplish, it does not seem extravagant to anticipate some great triumph hereafter, not unlike that which filled the visions
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
was given to Lawrence as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, and in his subsequent appointment as minister to England. Sumner awaited the result of the Whig convention with indifference. He had come to the conclusion that no effectual resistance could be made to the slave-power until one of the two parties was broken up, leaving room for a party pledged to opposition to slavery. Some of his associates in Massachusetts would have accepted Webster; E. R. Hoar, C. R. Train, and Rev. J. W. Thompson, and even Wilson (New York Tribune, April 1, 1848), were of those who took the favorable view of Webster at this time. Wilson and Allen voted for him in the convention at Philadelphia. His subsequent course justified Sumner's distrust rather than their confidence but he had come to distrust the fidelity of that statesman, who had shown weakness in important crises, and had already interfered to arrest antislavery demonstrations which appeared to him likely to impair the unity of the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
mothy Walker, of Cincinnati, a conservative jurist, thought it not only the ablest of Sumner's efforts, but the ablest exposition of that side of the question he had met with, believing this to be also the opinion of all candid men, and even of the Southerners, as shown by the reception they gave it. The speech was warmly applauded in letters from eminent divines,—Charles Lowell, John Pierpont, Convers Francis, William H. Furness, A. A. Livermore, Samuel Osgood, Rufus P. Stebbins, and James W. Thompson. A senator then far removed in opinion and party action (Cooper of Pennsylvania), whose subsequent change of position may have been due to the speech, wrote:— While I differ with you in many of your views on this subject, I can still admire the ability and manly frankness with which you maintain them. As an intellectual effort, your speech will rank with any made in the Senate since I have been a member of it. Many years afterwards, Wilson wrote in his history, Vol. II.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
to resist any disturbance of the Compromise, or a renewal of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Ante, p. 194. At the beginning of the next session, in December, 1851, the caucus of Whig members affirmed, almost unanimously, the Compromise Acts to be a final settlement, in principle and substance, of the dangerous and exciting subjects which they embrace. The Whig members from Massachusetts were reported to have voted in caucus as follows: for the Compromise, G. T. Davis, Duncan, and Thompson; against it, Fowler, Goodrich, and Scudder. The House, April 5, 1852, by a vote of one hundred to sixty-five, declared the Compromise—laying emphasis on the Fugitive Slave Act—to be a final adjustment and permanent settlement. In June, 1852, in conventions held in Baltimore, the Democrats nominated Franklin Pierce for President, whose only conspicuous merit was subserviency to slavery; and the Whigs, General Winfield Scott. The Whig convention, controlled by considerations of availability