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George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 22 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 14 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 14 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 8 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, The new world and the new book 8 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 6 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 6 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 6 0 Browse Search
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 1. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.) 6 0 Browse Search
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana 4 0 Browse Search
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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Pocket morality — war for Trade. (search)
mpt, not, perhaps, for personal, but certainly for national poverty. He's so very poor, says one person to another in an English comedy, that you would take him for an inhabitant of Italy. This is the perfection of purse-proud complacency. De Tocqueville observes, that in the eyes of England her enemies must be rogues and her friends great men. It is this association of arrogance and acquisitiveness which has given to England a bad public reputation. When she seems, says De Tocqueville to cDe Tocqueville to care for foreign nations, she cares only for herself. A man who acquires a character like this will find money powerless to purchase public respect; he may be feared, but he will also be detested; nor do we believe that there is one rule for nations and another for individuals. Finally, in the spirit of Franklin's observation that the rapacity of England has usually cost more than it came to, we beg leave to suggest that an unjust and selfish policy is equally short-sighted. Have British eco
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves., Lecture XI: teaching the slaves to read and Write. (search)
a child, and should, for the same general reasons, be withheld from them. But withheld by whom? asks the philosophy of Dr. Wayland. I answer, By those who have the intelligence to do it. Both the principle of benevolence and the law of reciprocity require this; and that intelligence which imposes this duty, can never fail to supply the means for the restraint of brute force. Of the truth of this general position no people appear to be more sensible than the aristocracy of Europe. De Tocqueville clearly asserts this on their behalf, when he states that the object of his tour through the United States arose from the necessity of becoming acquainted with the spirit and character of democracy, that a proper direction might be given to it in Europe. To direct it wisely might be done; but to crush it was utterly impossible. Now if this author be correct in supposing that the spirit of democracy is truly awake among the masses of European population, and that consequently they are a
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 2. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), A foreign view of the civil War in America. (search)
se of New England in the days of a certain memorable convention at Hartford, as well as by able, thoughtful and disinterested foreigners. We will make but a single quotation from one of the most distinguished of these latter. Will he hear De Tocqueville on the point? The Union, says that eminent writer, despite his manifest leaning towards the North, and more especially towards New England, was formed by the voluntary agreement of the States; and in uniting together, they have not forfeitedpion; and as regards the epithet which he applies to his old commander and comrades, why it is a family quarrel, in which we are not at all interested. We are merely calling attention to the absurd and reckless misstatements of this rival of De Tocqueville, and the utter worthlessness as a record of facts of the book which we are informed by the editor displays careful search, cool judgment, and a manifest purpose to be just to all. When, for instance, he speaks of the Southern army and navy
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Gilman, Daniel Coit 1831- (search)
Gilman, Daniel Coit 1831- Educator; born in Norwich, Conn., July 6, 1831; graduated at Yale University in 1852; and continued his studies in Berlin. In 1856-72 he served as librarian, secretary of the Sheffield Scientific School, and Professor of Physical and Political Geography at Yale University; in 1872 became president of the University of California, where he remained until 1875, when he was chosen president of Johns Hopkins University, which had just been founded. In 1893-99 he was president of the American Oriental Society; in 1896-97 a member of the United States commission on the boundary-line between Venezuela and British Guiana, and in 1897 a member of the commission to draft a new charter for the city of Baltimore.. In 1901 he resigned the presidency of the university. He has written Life of James Monroe; University problems; Introduction to De Tocqueville's Democracy Daniel Coit Gilman. in America; and many reports and papers.
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Lieber, Francis 1800- (search)
llection of poems, which, on his release, were published at Berlin under the name of Franz Arnold. After spending about two years in England, he came to the United States in 1827, settling in Boston. He edited the Encyclopaedia Americana, in 13 volumes, published in Philadelphia between 1829 and 1833. He lectured on history and politics in the larger cities of the Union. In New York his facile pen was busy translating from the French and German. In 1832 he translated De Beaumont and De Tocqueville on the penitentiary system in the United States, and soon afterwards, on invitation of the trustees of Girard College, furnished a plan of instruction for that institution, which was published at Philadelphia in 1834. In 1835 he published Recollections of Niebuhr and Letters to a gentleman in Germany, and the same year was appointed Professor of History and Political Francis Lieber Economy in the South Carolina College at Columbia, S. C., where he remained until 1856. He was appointe
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Morrill, Justin Smith 1810- (search)
ions to those who have suffered in patriotic service (perhaps annually exceeding for like services all British appropriations for the last century), the higher dignity and respect accorded to women, the paternal care of the poor, as well as of the insane, the blind, and deaf-mutes, and the general absence of all beggars. We appeal finally from Mr. Gladstone to Mr. James Bryce, the author of The American commonwealth, whose work has already placed him in the rank of Gibbon, Motley, and De Tocqueville. Unlike Mr. Gladstone—except that he is also a member of the British Parliament—he is not a partisan, and has devoted years to the study of the United States and its people, visiting every State of the Union for the sole purpose of impartiality and historic veracity. That Mr. Bryce is competent authority on questions of the morals and selfishness of Americans, none will dispute. Setting forth American characteristics, he says: They are a moral and well-conducted people. The a
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Newspapers. (search)
for many years editor of the New York Evening post and The nation, contributes the following comparison of the American and foreign newspaper press and resume of the development of modern journalism: It is now more than fifty years since Tocqueville compared a newspaper to a man standing at an open window and bawling to passers-by in the street. Down to his time the newspaper press in all countries in Europe, and almost down to his time in America, was looked upon as simply, or mainly, aose days was a man who expected to be locked up on account of the boldness of his invectives against the government, but did not mind it. His news-gathering was so subordinate to his criticism that he was hardly thought of as a news-gatherer. Tocqueville's man bawling out of the window was not bawling out the latest intelligence. He was bawling about the blunders and corruption of the ministry, and showing them the way to manage the public business, but at the same time making the management
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), State sovereignty. (search)
thought the men who formed the Constitution. They sought through every conceivable device to protect minorities from the despotism which majorities are ever prone to inflict, and I must insist that while each State retained its sovereignty it had a shield against the despotism of a majority in its power to withdraw to the precints of its own dominion; and this, if the majority were heedless of every appeal to justice and their compact, was the only remedy which seems to have been left. De Tocqueville, in his Democracy in America, vol. i, p. 301, writes: The majority in that country exercise a prodigious actual authority and a moral influence which is scarcely less preponderant; no obstacles exist which can impede or so much as retard its progress, or which induce it to heed the complaints of those whom it crushes upon its path. Mr. Madison, in the Virginia convention of 1788, said: Turbulence, violence, and abuse of power by the majority trampling on the rights of the
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Tocqueville, Alexis Charles Henri Clerel, Count de 1805-1859 (search)
Tocqueville, Alexis Charles Henri Clerel, Count de 1805-1859 Statesman; born in Paris, France, July 29, 1805; became a lawyer in 1827; visited the United States with Gustave de Beaumont in 1831 to study the penitentiary system. Returning to France he there advocated the solitary method as practised in the penitentiary of Cherry Hill, Philadelphia, and was largely instrumental in entirely remodelling not only the penitentiary system of France, but of the continent. He was the author of The penitentiary system of the United States and its application in France (with Gustave de Beaumont); Democracy in America; On the penitentiary system in the United States and the confidential mission for the minister of the Interior of Mm. De Beaumont and de Tocqueville, etc. He died in Cannes, France, April 16, 1859.
nd. Not the least curious of the changes that had taken place since the last Christmas day, was the change in their own official positions. They were, most of them, on that day, afloat under the old flag. That flag now looked to them strange and foreign. They had some of their own countrymen on board; not, as of yore, as welcome visitors, but as prisoners. These, too, wore a changed aspect—enemy, instead of friend, being written upon their faces. The two rival nations, spoken of by De Tocqueville, stood face to face. Nature is stronger than man. She will not permit her laws to be violated with impunity, and if this war does not separate these two nations, other wars will. If we succeed in preserving the principle of State sovereignty—the only principle which can save this whole country, North and South, from utter wreck and ruin—all will be well, whatever combinations of particular States may be made, from time to time. The States being free, liberty will be saved, and they w<
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