Your search returned 53 results in 24 document sections:

1 2 3
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Chapter 2: Charleston Harbor. (search)
rnment was waging war upon it. The Cabinet crisis of December 31st, and the retirement of Floyd, greatly changed the attitude of the Government toward rebellion. Holt was made Secretary of War, and became at once the Hercules of the national defence. Black, though as Attorney-General he had in November written an official opinion against coercion, was so far changed that he now zealously advocated the reinforcement of Sumter. All the unionists of the Cabinet-Black, Holt, Stanton, even Toucey in a mild way, and not long afterward Dix with memorable vigor-joined heartily in preparation to vindicate the national authority. General Scott was placed in military control; and the President, being for a period kept by loyal advice in a more patriotic mood, permitted various precautionary measures to be taken, among which, a well-designed, though finally abortive effort to reinforce Sumter, was perhaps the most noteworthy. Various plans to send men and provisions to Anderson were di
John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Index. (search)
63; its disadvantages in the siege, 65; surrender of, 63; the effect at the North of the attack on, 72 T. Taylor, Fort, at Key West, 16 Tennessee, 80, 133 et seq.; East, 135 Texas, course of the conspirators in, 13; ordinance of secession submitted to popular vote, 13; attitude of, with regard to secession, 13 et seq.; secession of, 14 Thomas, Secretary, 26 Thomas, Colonel, 166 Thompson, Jeff., 118 Thompson, Secretary, 17, 20, 30, 33 Toombs, Senator, 12, 42 Toucey, Secretary, 33 Townsend, Colonel, 153 Twiggs, General, treachery of, 14 Tyler, General, Daniel, commands First Division in the advance on Manassas, 174; his advance, 177, 178 U. Union Mills Ford, 176, note V. Varian, Captain, 174 Vernon, Mount, Va, 102 Vienna Station, Va., ambush at, 172 Virginia, attitude of,with regard to secession, 51 et seq., 80; secession, 98; extent and character of, 137 et seq., 169 Virginia, East, 137; vote on Secession Ordinance, 142
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 81 (search)
Feb. 1.--Lieut. James E. Jouett reported himself at Washington, to Secretary Toucey. Lieut. Jouett is attached to the steamer Crusader, now in the Gulf, but was temporarily employed on the Wyandotte. He went ashore at Pensacola, and was immediately seized as a prisoner, but released on parol of honor, not to bear arms against the State of Florida, and a passport was furnished him. Having proceeded to New Orleans, with the hope of being able to join his vessel from that point, he was again threatened by Collector Hatch with arrest, unless he departed speedily. The next train found him en route for Washington. After hearing the statement, Secretary Toucey requested the statement to be committed to writing, as the position of Jouett is a novel one. This statement has been made, and, with the passport, laid before the Government. Jouett does not consider his parole binding, should the Department order him back to the Gulf. He silently received his passport, but gave no promise what
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 424 (search)
:--This great and long-standing conspiracy was well known in its outlines to Mr. Buchanan himself. We heard from his own lips, previous to his entering upon the duties of the Presidency, that he had been reliably informed (we think he said by Gov. Wise) that the officers of the army and navy had been polled on the question whether, in case of a rupture between the two sections of the Union, they would respectively go with the North or the South; and that nearly every Southern man answered he would adhere to the section that gave him birth. Here we have proof not only that this conspiracy had assumed its present determinate shape five years ago, and only waited for opportunity; but that Mr. Buchanan was perfectly well aware of the fact at the very time when he took some of the leaders into his Cabinet; and when he was passively aiding Cobb, Floyd, Thompson, and Toucey, in their plans to cripple the Federal Government, and assure the success of the rebellion. --Ohio Statesman, May 25.
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1, Chapter 1: (search)
y. Let us approach this portion of our duties with coolness and deliberation, and with a generous patriotism. Not since the days of the Revolution had a legislature assembled at a time of more imminent peril, when wise counsels, firm resolution, and patriotic devotion to the Constitution and the Union, were imperatively demanded. James Buchanan was still President of the United States; Floyd was Secretary of War; Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury; Thompson, Secretary of the Interior; and Toucey, who, although a New-England man, was believed to sympathize with the South, Secretary of the Navy. John C. Breckenridge was Vice-President of the United States, and presided over the deliberations of the Senate, of which Jefferson Davis, Judah P. Benjamin, John Slidell, James M. Mason, and Robert Toombs were members; all of whom proved traitors to the Government, were plotting daily and nightly to effect its overthrow, and to prevent the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln on the fourth of Marc
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
sion. Works, vol. IX. pp. 33, 34. and South Carolina, usually the swiftest to defend slavery and to assail all who assailed it, remained silent. Rusk of Texas was the only other Southern senator who joined in the debate, and he only in a few words, which, though referring to the senator's rhetorical flourishes, were neither unparliamentary nor uncivil. Sumner's land speech had been followed by pleasant relations between him and Rusk. Three Democratic senators from New England—Bradbury, Toucey, and James—took occasion to express themselves against Sumner's amendment, or any disturbance of the Compromise measures; but they were entirely respectful to him. Dodge of Iowa insisted on the constitutionality of the law which had been so eloquently and fiercely denounced, and said it was lamentable to see gentlemen possessed of a high order of talents, of extensive and varied erudition, and who should from their knowledge and experience know much of men and things, engaged in riding this
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
h obligation. I did not understand that senator as meaning to say that he would not obey the Constitution or would disregard his oath; nor, allow me to say, was he so understood by many gentlemen on this side of the chamber; but he simply meant to say (I certainly so understood him that he did not consider that the Constitution imposed any such obligation upon him; that is all. Fessenden's version was in substance confirmed by Rusk of Texas. The discussion closed with the question from Toucey of Connecticut, Does he recognize the obligation to return a fugitive slave? Sumner replied, To that I answer distinctly, no. The petition was then referred. When Sumner at the close of his speech resumed his seat, Chase said to him: You have struck slavery the strongest blow it ever received; you have made it reel to the centre. Such was the intense feeling, that Pettit's suggestion of Sumner's expulsion was seriously entertained; but a canvass of the Senate showed that a sufficient v
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. The second session of the Thirty-third Congress, which began in December, 1854, and ended in March, 1855, was, excepting a single day, undisturbed by excitement. There wasbelong to History. God send you a good deliverance! Near the end of the session the truce on the slavery question was suddenly broken. At noon, February 23, Toucey of Connecticut, a Democratic Compromise senator, called up a bill reported by the judiciary committee less than a week before, which provided for the transfer to on to take the bill up prevailed against Chase's plea for further time. The day was Friday, set apart for private bills,—our day of justice, as Sumner called it. Toucey made a brief statement of its provisions, without any allusion to its specific purpose. There was an evident reluctance to enter upon a full discussion of its
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
arks of Jones on the same day. Congressional Globe, p 497. of Tennessee, Toombs of Georgia, Butler of South Carolina, and Toucey of Connecticut defended the Administration,—the last named as well as Jones dealing, in offensive personalities, which droints to be pressed? I foresee that the facts are to be disputed, and the legality of the legislature assumed. This was Toucey's course. Could our facts be established beyond dispute, it would be impossible to maintain the validity of that legisla, and made them all very angry. It was the great event of his life. Circumstances cast upon him the office of answering Toucey, and he did it with effect. To John Jay, March 4:— I have watched closely the questions between us and England,ing the remainder till the next day. As he began in the morning, the partisans of the Administration—Douglas, Toombs, and Toucey—assumed an air of indifference, and kept themselves, to appearance, very busy at their desks writing letters; but as he
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), The civil history of the Confederate States (search)
le bound to contribute their money or their blood to carry on a contest like that? Upon the legal opinion of this great constitutional lawyer from Pennsylvania and on the judgment of his cabinet, composed of Cass of Michigan, Floyd of Virginia, Toucey of Connecticut, Cobb of Georgia, Holt of Kentucky, Thompson of Mississippi, and Black of Pennsylvania, none of whom were disunionists, unless Mr. Cobb of Georgia be so considered, the President held to his declared policy until the assembling of Thompson, secretary of the interior, resigned his office January 8th, as also did Governor Thomas, of Maryland, secretary of the treasury, and General Dix was appointed to the place. The new Cabinet was now composed of Messrs. Black, Dix, Holt, Toucey, Stanton and King, who served in apparent harmony to the end of the term. The affairs of the United States were in such disorder that on January 8th, the President sent to Congress a message urging its attention to the helplessness of the exec
1 2 3