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ence, in favoring the second proposal of McCulloh, we shall by and by see Charles Townshend, in the House of Commons, dispute with Grenville. I attribute to McCullorenville Papers, II. 194. The Duke of Bedford, who hated and despised C. Townshend to Temple, 11 Sept. 1763, in Gr. P. II. 121. George Grenville, came to town.t in a nebulous state, and very many of the time-serving public men, even Charles Townshend himself, were entirely at fault. The real option lay between a governmennts of the debates. and reserved his decision till a second interview. Charles Townshend to Temple, 11 Sept. 1763, in Grenville Papers, II. 121. The general idea ided. The ministry of Bute resolved to provide such a revenue; for which Charles Townshend pledged the government. Parliament wished it. Speech of Grenville, Dehe system adopted in the ministry of Bute, and was sure of the support of Charles Townshend. Knox, the agent of Georgia, stood ready to defend the stamp act, as l
ement to the landed interest of five hundred thousand pounds. Huske, the new member for Malden, once subservient to Charles Townshend, a native of New-Hampshire, educated at Boston, the same who nearly nine years before had in 1755 foreshadowed the so eminent and advantageous a post in the law; and Grenville felt himself so strong as to dare to slight him. Even Charles Townshend was ready to renounce the friendship of Pitt, and his manifest desire of taking office passed unheeded. Nothing waartley, in his published letters, Wells on this distinction. But compare the acts prepared by Grenville, with those of Townshend and Lord North. Nor did Grenville ever take part in the schemes which were on foot to subvert the charters of the colonhe whole body of colonial office holders, to whose selfishness he refused to minister. So the plans of Halifax and Charles Townshend, for the time, fell to the ground Grenville had but one object, to win the support on the landed gentry, whose favo
bted the authority of the British legislature in all cases whatsoever. The purpose found its warmest advocate in Charles Townshend. In the debates on the forces to be kept up in the navy and the army, he spoke for the largest numbers; for the co the old subordinate of Halifax with supercilious frankness publish the views which the majority of the cabinet and Charles Townshend boldly advocated, and which Grenville dared not openly resist and could never heartily approve. While his collean the dark; but, perhaps, he added, as well in the dark as any way. The charge of ignorance called upon his feet Charles Townshend, the reputed great master of American affairs. He confirmed the equity of the taxation, and insisted that the colong from end to end with the cheering name of the Sons of liberty. But at St. Stephen's, the members only observed that Townshend had received a heavy blow, and the rest of the debate seemed languid. The opponents of the chap. XI.} 1765. Feb. mea
cle, the duke of Cumberland, and authorized negotiations with Pitt, with Temple, and the great Whig families, for constructing a new administration, in which Charles Townshend should be one of the secretaries of state, and Northumberland, Bute's sonin-law, at the head of the treasury. On that same day the regency bill, with the oyments and councils of state should not be separated. One last effort was made to form an administration, with Lyttelton at the head of the treasury, and Charles Townshend as chancellor of the exchequer. But Lyttelton was too conscious of his weakness, to listen to the offer; and Townshend, laughing it to scorn, reserved himseTownshend, laughing it to scorn, reserved himself for the paymaster's place, which, two days after, he accepted. On Tuesday, the twenty-first, the king was in des- 21. pair; and, though the old ministry was sustained by parliament, and at that moment by public opinion, he would yet have put in their places any mortal who could have carried on business. Cumberland hated Gre
ary office, was suggested, as Grafton's associate. But thinking men foresaw peril to the stamp act, in intrusting its execution to one of the very few persons who had opposed the passing of it; and the king wished to consign that office to Charles Townshend, by whom it had so long been coveted. Who can tell how America would have fared under him, in an administration whose patron and adviser was the victor at Culloden? But though the king, in person, used every argument to prevail with him, lined to join in a system which he compared to lutestring, fit only for summer wear. Even so late as on the ninth of July, the king, who had reserved the place of secretary at war for Conway, renewed his entreaties; but the decisive refusal of Townshend, who held fast to his lucrative office of paymaster, threw the seals of the southern department and America, at the very last moment, into the hands of Conway. The new secretary, like Shelburne and Edmund Burke, was an Irishman, and, therefo
le, enraged at seeing authority set at naught with impunity, in reference to an act of his ministry, moved to consider North America as resisting the laws by open and rebellious force, and complained of chap. XX.} 1765. Dec the king's lenity. What would have been thought, said he, in 1745, if any person had called the rebellion of that day an important matter only? Cooke, the member from Middlesex, justified the colonies, and showed the cruelty of fixing the name of rebels on all. Charles Townshend asserted with vehemence his approbation of the Stamp Act, and leaned towards the opinion of Grenville. Sooner, said he, than make our colonies our allies, I should wish to see them returned to their primitive deserts. Hammersley. But he sat down, determined to vote against Grenville's amendment. Gilbert Elliot did the same; and Wedderburn displayed the basest subserviency. Norton dwelt much on the legislative authority of parliament to tax all the world under British dominion. S
leading to a change of ministry of a different kind, he commanded the duke to carry no declaration from him to Pitt. Two hours later he gave an audience to Charles Townshend, whom he endeavored, though ineffectually, to persuade to take a principal part in forming a new administration. The Duke of Grafton nevertheless, himself rg for the first time in the House of Commons, advocated the reception of the petition, as in itself an acknowledgment of the jurisdiction of the house; while Charles Townshend in a short speech treated the line drawn between external and internal taxation, as a fiction or the ecstasy of madness. An hour before midnight Lord Johnn Scotland; in a very full house they had only a majority of eleven. The grooms of the bedchamber, and even Lord George Sackville voted against them, whilst Charles Townshend, the paymaster, declined to vote at all. On the same day Bedford and Grenville were asked, if on Bute's opening the door, they were ready to negotiate for a
ed that giving way would infuse the spirit of resistance into the Irish. Charles Townshend, boasting that he had not yet declared as to whether he should vote for ohim full of hope and courage, having for his interrogators, Grenville and Charles Townshend, as well as the friends of the administration; and the House of Commons fnd taxes laid as regulations of commerce. Grenville and his friends, and Charles Townshend, who had carefully considered the decisive resolutions that marked the enffice, which they have long received, a tax as well as a regulation? and Charles Townshend repeated the question. No, replied Franklin, the money paid for the pos XXIII.} 1766. Feb. I believe not.—Then, continued the interrogator, with Charles Townshend for a listener, may they not, by the same interpretation of their common meeting of their supporters, settled the resolutions of repeal which even Charles Townshend was present to accept, and which, as Burke believed, he intended to suppo
nued to insist upon it. But Rockingham, who, during the repeal of the Stamp Act, had been dumb, leaving the brunt of the battle to be borne by Camden and Shelburne, was determined it should not be so; Grafton to Conway, 22 April, 1766. and Newcastle and Winchelsea and Egmont concurred with him. De Guerchy to Choiseul, 21 April, 1766. To be pre- chap. XXIV.} 1766. April. pared for the change, and in the hope of becoming, under the new administration, secretary for the colonies, Charles Townshend assiduously courted the Duke of Grafton. Pitt, on retiring to recruit the health which his unparalleled exertions in the winter had utterly subverted, made a farewell speech, his last in the House of Commons, wishing that faction might cease, and avowing his own purpose of remaining independent of any personal connections whatsoever; while the ships bore across the Atlantic the glad news of the repeal, which he had been the first to counsel, and the ablest to defend. The joy was, f
ver to a new Department of State, which Dartmouth was to accept, De Guerchy to Choiseul, 22 May, 1766. and which Charles Townshend avowed his hope of obtaining from a future Administration. Once, to delay his fall, Rockingham suggested a coalitie return of the people to obedience. Journal of the House of Commons, XXX. 841. From the ministerial benches Charles Townshend, professing to oppose the motion, spoke substantially in its favor. It has long been my opinion, said he, in concl trusting that I shall be an instrument among them of preparing a new system. Manuscript Report of the Conclusion of Townshend's Speech, in my possession. The manuscript appears to me to be in the hand writing of Moffat of Rhode Island, and was ess stood exposed. America was taken out of their control and made the sport of faction. The very same day on which Townshend proclaimed a war of extermination against American Charters, similar threats were uttered at Boston. In communicating