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The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure), Mr. Lincoln and the force bill. (search)
s per se were found voting together against the suspension. It was nearly ten o'clock before Mr. Stanton succeeded in getting the bill up for consideration, and immediately thereupon, a leading Republican member from Mr. Lincoln's own State (Mr. Washburne, our distinguished Minister to France), moved an adjournment; but a question of order having arisen, Mr. Washburne's motion was not entertained. Shortly afterward, Mr. Stanton moved the previous question on the engrossment of the bill, whichMr. Washburne's motion was not entertained. Shortly afterward, Mr. Stanton moved the previous question on the engrossment of the bill, which was followed by another motion to adjourn, made by a prominent Republican from Pennsylvania (Mr. Hickman), which was not put to vote, because the floor had not been yielded to Mr. Hickman by Mr. John Cochrane, of New York, who was entitled to it, but who himself, before taking his seat, renewed the motion for an adjournment; and although it was well understood on both sides of the House that Cochrane's motion involved the fate of the bill, it was finally agreed to by a vote of seventy-seven to
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Second joint debate, at Freeport, August 27, 1858. (search)
ies whatever in favor of the object expressed in the above resolutions to unite with us in carrying them into effect. Well, you think that is a very good platform, do you not? If you do, if you approve it now, and think it is all right, you will not, join with those men who say that I libel you by calling these your principles, will you? Now, Mr. Lincoln complains; Mr. Lincoln charges that I did you and him injustice by saying that this was the platform of your party. I am told that Washburne made a speech in Galena last night, in which he abused me awfully for bringing to light this platform, on which be was elected to Congress. He thought that you had forgotten it, as he and Mr. Lincoln desires to. He did not deny but that you had adopted it, and that be had subscribed to and was pledged by it, but he did not think it was fair to call it up and remind the people that it was their platform. But I am glad to find that you are more honest in your abolitionism than your lead
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Third joint debate, at Jonesboro, September 15, 1858. (search)
d. But Mr. Lincoln does not want to be held responsible for the Black Republican doctrine of no more slave States. Farnsworth is the candidate of his party to-day in the Chicago District, and he made a speech in the last Congress in which he called upon God to palsy his right arm if he ever voted for the admission of another slave State, whether the people wanted it or not. Lovejoy is making speeches all over the State for Lincoln now, and taking ground against any more slave States. Washburne, the Black Republican candidate for Congress in the Galena District, is making speeches in favor of this same Abolition platform declaring no more slave States. Why are men running for Congress in the northern districts, and taking that Abolition platform for their guide, when Mr. Lincoln does not want to be held to it down here in Egypt and in the center of the State, and objects to it so as to get votes here. Let me tell Mr. Lincoln that his party in the northern part of the State hold
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fourth joint debate, at Charleston, September 18, 1858. (search)
inguished orator made in the northern part of the State. Down here he denies that the Black Republican party is opposed to the admission of any more slave States, under any circumstances, and says that they are willing to allow the people of each State, when it wants to come into the Union, to do just as it pleases on the question of slavery. In the North, you find Lovejoy, their candidate for Congress in the Bloomington District, Farnsworth, their candidate in the Chicago District, and Washburne, their candidate in the Galena District, all declaring that never will they consent, under any circumstances, to admit another slave State, even if the people want it. Thus, while they avow one set. of principles up there, they avow another and entirely different set down here. And here let me recall to Mr. Lincoln the scriptural quotation which he has applied to the Federal Government, that, a house divided against itself cannot stand, and ask him how does he expect this Abolition party
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fifth joint debate, at Galesburgh, October 7, 1858. (search)
unties where the Republican candidates are running pledged to him, that the Conventions which nominated them adopted that identical platform. One cardinal point in that platform which he shrinks from is this — that there shall be no more slave States admitted into the Union, even if the people want them. Lovejoy stands pledged against the admission of any more slave States. [ Right, so do we. ] So do you, you say. Farnsworth stands pledged against the admission of any more slave States. Washburne stands pledged the same may. The candidate for the Legislature who is running on Lincoln's ticket in Henderson and Warren, stands committed by his vote in the Legislature to the same thing, and I am informed, but do not know of the fact, that your candidate here is also so pledged. [ Hurra for him, good. ] Now, you Republicans all hurra for him, and for the doctrine of no more slave States, and yet Lincoln tells you that his conscience will not permit him to sanction that doctrine. And co
Owen Wister, Ulysses S. Grant, V. (search)
mayor. But two spirits of a different quality spoke out. Washburne said, Any man who will try to stir party prejudices at sunes; and this was the first night of their common cause. Washburne in Congress became Grant's good angel against the public, with them to Springfield on the same train. But, though Washburne's belief in him was already considerable, his influence fIt all seems as casual as fate. Tired of waiting, though Washburne counselled patience, he was about to return to Galena, wh, I will not serve under a drunkard. The slander reached Washburne through the newspapers; and he, his faith in Grant alread indebted to nobody. His own letter about it, written to Washburne a month later, is like him: I see the credit of attackinghis hour or at any other of his life. But in a letter to Washburne he gives us a glimpse into his silent soul. There are sos storm of abuse which the country let loose upon him. To Washburne he wrote: I would scorn being my own defender . . . excep
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington, chapter 10 (search)
nted its flag on the parapet, where it remained waving for nine hours. The assault having failed at other points, the gallant regiment was obliged to abandon the position which it had fought so hard to gain. At one time during the assault, Sergeant Joseph E. Griffith, of Company I. with a squad of twenty men, climbed the wall of the fort, and, effecting an entrance, engaged in a hand-to-hand fight, from which the sergeant and only one man returned alive. In August, 1863, the division (Washburne's) moved to New Orleans, and the regiment served in that department during the ensuing twelve months. In July, 1864, the regiment was transferred to the Nineteenth Corps, with which it proceeded to Virginia and fought under Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley. At the battle of the Opequon it lost 11 killed, 63 wounded, and 31 missing; total, 105. It was then in Molineux's (2d) Brigade, Grover's (2d) Division, Nineteenth Corps. Twenty-Fourth Iowa Infantry. Slack's Brigade — Hovey's
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 5 (search)
ered his duty. Lieut.-Col. Speidel, a foreigner attached to a Connecticut regiment, strove against the current for a league. I positively declare that, with the two exceptions mentioned, all efforts made to check the panic before Centreville was reached, were confined to civilians. I saw a man in citizen's dress, who had thrown off his coat, seized a musket, and was trying to rally the soldiers who came by at the point of the bayonet. In a reply to a request for his name, he said it was Washburne, and I learned he was the member by that name from Illinois. The Hon. Mr. Kellogg made a similar effort. Both these Congressmen bravely stood their ground till the last moment, and were serviceable at Centreville in assisting the halt there ultimately made. And other civilians did what they could. But what a scene I and how terrific the onset of that tumultous retreat. For three miles, hosts of Federal troops — all detached from their regiments, all mingled in one disorderly rout — w
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 83 (search)
or the fiscal year ending with June next, and for arrearages for the year ending 30th of June last; also a bill making appropriations for the navy for the same period. Both referred to the Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union. Mr. Washburne (Rep., Ill.) called up the bill reported by him yesterday, further to provide for the collection of duties on imports and for other purposes, and asked that it be put on its passage. Mr. Vallandigham (Dem., Ohio) inquired whether the first section of this bill was not the same as reported last session by Mr. Bingham. Mr. Washburne was not prepared to answer, not having made a comparison. Mr. Vallandigham said that in the Constitution which we have sworn to support, and under which we are assembled here to-day, it is written that Congress, to which all legislative power is granted, shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, and that no Representative or Senator shall be questioned for any speech made
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 147 (search)
States the appointment of a similar commission, and who shall meet and confer on the subject in the city of Louisville on the first Monday of September next. And that the committee appointed from this House notify said commissioners of their appointment and function, and report their action to the next session as an amendment of the Constitution of the United States, to be proposed by Congress to the States for their ratification, according to the fifth article of said Constitution. Mr. Washburne, (interrupting its reading.) I object to the introduction of that resolution. We have had enough of it read. Mr. Cox. I move to suspend the rules to enable me to introduce it. The reading of the resolution was resumed and completed. Mr. Potter. I wish to ask the gentleman from Ohio if he is willing to insert, among the proposed commissioners, the name of James Buchanan? (Laughter.) Mr. Cox. No, sir; not at all. I call for the yeas and nays on the motion to suspend the rules
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