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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,057 5 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 114 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 106 2 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 72 0 Browse Search
John Esten Cooke, Wearing of the Gray: Being Personal Portraits, Scenes, and Adventures of War. 70 0 Browse Search
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee 67 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 60 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 58 0 Browse Search
George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army (ed. George Gordon Meade) 56 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 54 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for George Washington or search for George Washington in all documents.

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deteriorated through the course of the Revolution. Intemperance had extended its ravages; profanity and licentiousness had overspread the land; a coarse and scoffing infidelity had become fashionable, even in high quarters; and the letters of Washington That spirit of freedom, which, at the commencement of this contest, would have gladly sacrificed every thing to the attainment of its object, has long since subsided, and every selfish passion has taken its place. It is not the public, but mmercial embarrassment, and political disorder, combined to overbear inveterate prejudice, sectional jealousy, and the ambition of local magnates, in creating that more perfect Union, whereof the foundations were laid and the pillars erected by Washington, Hamilton, Franklin, Madison, and their compeers, in the Convention which framed the Federal Constitution. Yet it would not be just to close this hasty and casual glance at our country, under the old federation, without noting some features
tional jealousies and State pride, to such an extent that a Convention of delegates from a quorum of the States, called together rather to amend than to supersede the Articles of Confederation, was legally assembled at Philadelphia in 1787, George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton,James Madison, Edmund Randolph, and Charles C. Pinckney, being among its most eminent members. John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were absent as Embassadors in Europe. Samuel Adams, George Clinton, and Patrick Henry stood aloof, watching the movement with jealous apprehension. Franklin, then over eighty-one years of age, declined the chair on account of his increasing infirmities; and, on his motion, George Washington was unanimously elected President. The Convention sat with closed doors; and no circumstantial nor adequate report of its deliberations was made. The only accounts of them which have reached us are those of delegates who took notes at the time, or taxed their recollection i
outh of that river, forming the county and including the city of Alexandria, were ceded to the Union in 1789 by Virginia, and retroceded to that State in 1846--the movement for retrocession having, doubtless, some covert reference to the probability or prospect of disunion. The sixty square miles lying north of the Potomac — forming the county of Washington, and including the cities of Washington and Georgetown — were ceded by Maryland in 1788, and now compose the entire District; so that Washington is commanded, within easy shelling distance, by hights which, in case the separation of Virginia from the Union were conceded, would be part and parcel of a foreign country. The Federal Constitution (Art. I., Section 8) provides that, The Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases what-soever, over such District (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the
ution? Can this position be made sufficiently clear to justify us in committing the peace and honor of the country to its support? In regard to the performance by us of that duty, so difficult for any Government to perform — the observance of an honest neutrality between nations at war — we can now look through our whole career, since our first admission into the family of nations, not only without a blush, but with feelings of honest pride and satisfaction. The way was opened by President Washington himself, under circumstances of the most difficult character, and at no less a hazard than that of exposing ourselves to plausible, yet unjust, imputations of infidelity to treaty stipulations. The path he trod with such unfaltering steps, and which led to such beneficial results, has hitherto been pursued with unvarying fidelity by every one of his successors, of whom it becomes me to speak. The Whigs were unanimous and enthusiastic in their determination that no other than Mr.
Technically and legally, we might, perhaps, be said to have been at war ever since we had determined on Annexation; practically and in fact, we were not. No belligerent action on the part of Mexico directly followed the decisive step, or its official promulgation. Our commerce and our flag were still welcomed in the Mexican ports. The disposable portion of our little army, some 1,500 strong, under Gen. Zachary Taylor, commander of the Southwestern department, in obedience to orders from Washington, embarked (July, 1845) at New Orleans, and landed, early in August, at Corpus Christi, on Aransas Bay, near the mouth of the Nueces, which was the extreme western limit of Texan occupation. Hon. Charles J. Ingersoll, a leading Democratic representative in Congress from Pennsylvania, and a zealous annexationist, in a speech in the house, January 3, 1845, said: The territorial limits are marked in the configuration of this continent by an almighty hand. The platte, the Arkansas, the
tation of the cautious and philosophic Madison was overborne by their impetuosity, and war actually proclaimed. When Washington and his advisers definitively resolved on preserving a strict neutrality between revolutionary France and the banded deaty had been the enemy and the victim of the Jacobins, who claimed of us the fulfillment of this grave compact. President Washington, in his Fare-well Address September 17, 1796. to his countrymen on taking leave of public life, thus summed up Federal Government is an aversion to political alliances with European powers. In his memorable Farewell Address, President Washington says: The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to n us to aid her in defending her West Indian possessions against England. Nothing less than the unbounded influence of Washington rescued the Union from the perils of that crisis, and preserved our neutrality. Mr. Everett proceeds: But the P
therhood and in the God of Battles; he admired Nat Turner, the negro patriot, equally with George Washington, the white American deliverer. He could not see that it was heroic to fight against a petver, though permitted, at three o'clock, to do so. A little after midnight, the house of Col. Washington was visited by six of Brown's men under Capt. Stevens, who captured the Colonel, seized hise was raising his rifle to fire. Here Dangerfield Newby, a Virginia slave, and Jim, one of Col. Washington's negroes, with a free negro, who had lived on Washington's estate, were shot dead; and Olihope, but perfectly cool and calm. Said Gov. Wise, in a speech at Richmond soon after: Col. Washington said that Brown was the coolest man he ever saw in defying death and danger. With one son uraging them to be firm, and to sell their lives as dearly as possible. Conversing with Col. Washington during that solemn night, he said he had not pressed his sons to join him in this expeditio
acticed popular debaters, before immense audiences of their fellow-citizens, up to the eve of the State Election. In the event, Mr. Douglas was successful, securing 54: to 46 of the members of the Legislature, and being promptly reelected by them; but the candidates favorable to Mr. Lincoln had a plurality of the popular vote. For Lincoln, 124,698; for Douglas, 121,130; Lincoln's plurality, 3,568. But over 4,000 Democratic votes were scattered and lost, in obedience to directions from Washington--Mr. Douglas's apprehended return being exceedingly distasteful to President Buchanan. The Elections of 1859 were not especially significant, save that, in New York, what remained of the American party, instead of nominating a State ticket of their own men, adopted the expedient of selecting their candidates alternately from the tickets of the two great parties — of course, powerfully aiding that which must otherwise have been beaten throughout. The 25,000 votes thus cast elected thr
: We are all one country. It is a farce to suppose that this country will be divided. (Applause.) It will be united in peace or in war. (Applause.) You may see, perhaps, legions brought against legions, in a domestic fury that shall be worse than the fury of a foreign enemy, and they will be united in doing harm. While we, in the center of the country, will endeavor to interpose kindness and peace, in order to restore the country to the situation in which it was left at the death of Washington, let us be determined to maintain the rights of the whole country, and extend the feeling of fellowship over all the land. (Great cheering.) Judge George W. Woodward Of the State Supreme Court; since, beaten as the Democratic candidate for Governor, in 1863, by 15,238 majority. A consistent antagonist of coercion. spoke next, commencing by an assault on Mr. Lincoln's premonition that the Union must become all Slave or all Free, and proceeding to indicate the exclusion of Slavery f
ction. Said the ex-Chancellor: It would be as brutal, in my opinion, to send men to butcher our own brothers of the Southern States, as it would be to massacre them in the Northern States. We are told, however, that it is our duty to, and we must, enforce the laws. But why — and what laws are to be enforced? There were laws that were to be enforced in the time of the American Revolution, and the British Parliament and Lord North sent armies here to enforce them. But what did Washington say in regard to the enforcement of those laws.? That man — honored at home and abroad more than any other man on earth ever was honored-did he go for enforcing the laws? No, he went to resist laws that were oppressive against a free people, and against the injustice of which they rebelled. [Loud cheers] Did Lord Chatham go for enforcing the laws? No, he gloried in defence of the liberties of America. He made that memorable declaration in the British Parliament, If I was an American