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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,057 5 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 114 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 106 2 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 72 0 Browse Search
John Esten Cooke, Wearing of the Gray: Being Personal Portraits, Scenes, and Adventures of War. 70 0 Browse Search
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee 67 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 60 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 58 0 Browse Search
George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army (ed. George Gordon Meade) 56 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 54 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for George Washington or search for George Washington in all documents.

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d barely entered the woods, when a large force of the enemy was discovered concealed by breastworks. He opened fire, which was handsomely returned. In this affair three of the Sixteenth New York Volunteers were wounded. The skirmishers report the force of the enemy greatly damaged by Green's battery. I made no other attempt on this ford, my orders being on no account to get into a general engagement. As I was again returning to Blenker's position, I received the notice to telegraph to Washington, which I found had been done by Lieutenant Wendell, topographical engineer in my staff, and was compelled by illness to remain at my Headquarters. It was at this time the order was received to put two brigades on the Warrenton turnpike, at the bridge. I without delay sent a staff officer to order forward Davies' brigade, but whilst this officer was executing my instructions Davies sent word he wanted a reserve regiment forward, that the enemy, some 3,000, was attempting to turn his flank
e corps has been strengthened by the accession of two regular field-batteries. The effective strength of the infantry, under McDowell, may be taken at 30,000, and there are about sixty field-pieces at his disposal, and a force of about ten squadrons of cavalry. Here follows an account of McClellan's Division in Western Virginia. The division under Gen. Patterson is about 22,000 strong, and has three batteries of artillery attached to it; and Gen. Mansfield, who commands the army of Washington and the reserve watching the Capitol, has under him a corps of 16,000 men almost exclusively volunteers; Gen. McDowell has also left a strong guard in his intrenchments along the right bank of the Potomac, guarding the bridges and covering the roads to Alexandria, Fairfax, and Falls Church. The division in military occupation of Maryland under Gen. Banks, most of which is concentrated in and around Baltimore, consists of 7,400 men, with some field-guns. The corps at Fortress Monroe and H
h generals in writing orders to the different brigades to prepare for a forward movement in the morning. General Beauregard's plans were to be carried out in a great measure, and the rout of the enemy would have been more signal, and doubtless Washington would now be in our possession, if our attack had not been converted into a defence by the movements of the enemy. We intended to move about eight o'clock, and they commenced their attack before our movement could be made. From a letter writt ten millions of people. Comrades! Our brothers who have fallen have earned undying renown, and their blood, shed in our holy cause, is a precious and acceptable sacrifice to the Father of Truth and Right; their graves are beside the tomb of Washington, their spirits have joined his in eternal communion. We will hold the soil in which the dust of Washington is mingled with the dust of our brothers. We drop one tear on their laurels, and move forward to avenge them. Soldiers! We congratul
e made to their numbers, and, with their present knowledge of the ground, they will return with fresh energy and determination to the work of putting down the rebellion. And the people at large will rally with still greater devotion to the Government, the Constitution, and the Union. In the Revolution, our troops were terribly cut up on Brooklyn Heights; yet that calamity proved the salvation of the country, since it developed the masterly Fabian system of tactics subsequently pursued by Washington.--N. Y. Commercial Advertiser. To the brave man defeat is only an argument for new effort. Our banner, which has been trailing in the dust, must be lifted up towards the stars. Overwhelming numbers have repulsed our army, after it had conquered an equal force entrenched behind earthworks and masked batteries. Our retreating columns have fallen back to Alexandria and Washington, leaving hundreds of our brave fellows on the soil where they fell so heroically. But why recount the disas
a Government that is built upon and perpetuated upon the principles laid down by the Constitution, which was formed by Washington and his compeers, after coming from the heat and strife of bloody revolution. (Applause.) I repeat, again, that I h to stand here among you as one of the humble upholders and supporters of the Stars and Stripes that have been borne by Washington through a seven years revolution — a bold and manly struggle for our independence — and separation from the mother country. That is my flag — that flag was borne by Washington in triumph. Under it I want to live, and under no other. It is that flag that has been borne in triumph by the Revolutionary fathers over every battle-field, when our brave men after toil antly. I repeat that I am proud to be in your midst — am amongst this vast number to uphold the flag that was borne by Washington — the emblem of the Union of States. (Applause.) I have intimated that I should make some allusion to myself. I ha
l powers of an executive nature, not denied to the President or given with limitations, and not inconsistent with the general character of the Government, are in the President by force of the terms, the executive power shall be vested in a President. This rule was long since laid down by Alexander Hamilton, one of the chief founders of the Constitution, and one of the ablest of its defenders whilst it was under the consideration of the people. The proclamation of neutrality issued by General Washington in April, 1793, was bitterly assailed at the time as being beyond his constitutional authority. Hamilton, in a series of letters under the signature of Pacificus, defended it, and in the first of the series laid down the rule here stated. He maintained that the power there exercised was in its nature executive, and therefore in the President, and referred to the different terms in which the powers are granted to Congress and the President respectively, by the first and second article
Constitution itself declares why it was established — assigns several reasons; the first of which is, in order to form a more perfect Union: words which are meaningless, if they do not affirm that a Union had before existed. And the letter of Washington, as President of the Convention, communicating to Congress the Constitution, stated that the Convention had kept steadily in view that which appeared to them the greatest interest of every true American--the consolidation of our Union: a form oy and independence of the States, when the people of those very States had deliberately disrobed them of almost every badge of sovereignty, and declared their dependence, in most essential points, on the Government of the Nation? The letter of Washington, before referred to, communicating the Constitution to the Congress of the Confederation, uses language that is conclusive as to the view then entertained by the Convention of the actual surrender of State sovereignty, involved in the adoption
secession! (said Mr. Webster) peaceable secession! Sir, (continued the great expounder, ) your eyes and mine are not destined to see that miracle. The dismemberment of this vast country without convulsion! The breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without ruffling the surface! No! Secede when you will, you will have war in all its horrors: there is no escape. The President of the United States is sworn to see that the laws be faithfully executed, and he must and will — as Gen. Washington did, and as Gen. Jackson would have done in 1833--use the army, and the navy, and the militia, to execute the laws, and defend the Government. If he does not, he will be a perjured man. Besides, you cannot bring the people of the South to a perfect union for secession. There are those — and their name is legion --whom no intimidation can drive into the disunion ranks. They love the old Union which their fathers transmitted to them, and under which their country has become great, and
ations of independence in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words, all men are created equal. Why? They have adopted a temporary National Constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed by Washington, they omit We, the people, and substitute We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States. Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? This is essentially a people's contest. On tly resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands but an hour before they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct of plain people. They understand without an argument that the destroying the Government which was made by Washington means no good to them. Our popular Government has often been called an experiment. Two points in it our people have settled: the successful establishing and the successful administering of it. One still remains. Its successful maintenance ag
under him. Their loss was eight or ten killed. Ashby secured enough horses, one of which was his brother's, to mount his men; but, owing to his small force, was compelled to leave others behind. Dick Ashby was terribly cut up, one of his eyes being shot out, and his head and neck badly cut by balls. Upon hearing of the fight, I immediately started for the scene of action, asking the Captain to accompany me, which he willingly did. We went to Ashby's camp, located upon the farm of Col. Washington, six miles from here, but finding that the enemy were in force between us and the wounded men, that they (the enemy) had returned, and that Capt. Ashby had gone in pursuit of them with his whole force and Capt. Myers's company, we returned to this place, and are now waiting to lend our aid at the weakest point. It is reported that a strong force of the enemy is approaching upon the north-west turnpike. We are not only ready for them, but, having reliable information that the enemy,
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