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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,057 5 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 114 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 106 2 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 72 0 Browse Search
John Esten Cooke, Wearing of the Gray: Being Personal Portraits, Scenes, and Adventures of War. 70 0 Browse Search
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee 67 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 60 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 58 0 Browse Search
George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army (ed. George Gordon Meade) 56 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 54 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for George Washington or search for George Washington in all documents.

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d within the Union; and if there is to be any fighting, we prefer it within, rather than without. The abandonment of Fort Moultrie was obviously a necessary act, in order to carry into effect the purpose contemplated with such an inferior force as that under the command of Major Anderson.--Boston Courier. If anybody ever doubted Major Anderson's eminent military capacity, that doubt must be dispelled by the news that we publish in another column. Of his own accord, without orders from Washington, but acting on the discretion which an officer in an independent command always possesses. Major Anderson, commander of the defences of Charleston harbor, transports his troops to the key of his position, Fort Sumter, against which no gun can be laid which is not itself commanded by a 10-inch columbiad in the embrasures of that octagon citadel. This rapid, unexpected manoeuvre has disconcerted treason, and received the highest military commendation in the country. Brave Major of Artil
ates, but he can enter with honor into a conspiracy to overthrow it. He can, under the sanctity of the same oath, advise the seizure of forts and arsenals, dockyards and ships, and money belonging to the Union, whose officer he is, and find a most loyal and convenient retreat in State authority and State allegiance. He was ready to laugh in their faces if they only told him that, before the time when he was muling and puking in his nurse's armss there lived a very obscure person named George Washington, who, before he died, became eminent by perpetrating the immortal joke of advising the people of the United States, that it was of infinite moment, that they should properly estimate the immense value of their national Union--that they should cherish a cordial, habitual and inmmovable attachment to it — that they should watch itsprcservation with jealous anxiety, discountenance whatever might suggest a suspicion that it could in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frown down the fi
ng force gathered at Charleston, while the Government lost no time in strengthening the capital. Every hour the traitors spent before Sumter gave them only more surely into the hands of their master. To make assurance doubly sure, he pretended to leave Fort Pickens in the lurch. It was said to be in danger, when Scott knew that a formidable force was investing it. Men feared that all would be lost by the inaction of the Government, when it was never more shrewdly energetic. At last Washington was reasonably safe. Forces were gathered. Once more our brave old General saw himself with means in his hands. Then came the armament, popularly believed to be destined for Sumter. The Government said not a word — only asked of the traitors the opportunity to send its own garrison a needed supply of food. They refused, and — fearing the arrival of the Federal fleet--drunk and besotted with treason, and impatient to shed the blood of loyal soldiers, they made the attack. Scarce had
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 57.--a proclamation.-by the President of the United States. (search)
them to besiege it in form. They cannot wait; we can; and they will show that they cannot, by a speedy advance on Washington, unless they shall despair of success, and desist from serious effort altogether. It is cheering then, to know that Washington will be defended by ten thousand men before the close of this week, and that the number will be doubled the next, and quadrupled the week after. That will be enough until we have tidings that Virginia has seceded and Jeff. Davis is this side olp you can pay, and put in all the crops for which you can seasonably and thoroughly prepare the ground, for a season of scarcity is probably at hand. Let each do his best toward preparing for it. N. Y. Tribune, April 17. A despatch from Washington says that the President will to-day issue a proclamation, calling upon the loyal States for seventy-five thousand militia to aid the General Government in enforcing the laws and recapturing the forts and other public property seized by the revo
venerated the national standard, under which Washington and Jackson and the host of gallant men who of Long Island before me, and the statue of Washington in my very face--(loud and enthusiastic chee York, and there it is, held in the hands of Washington, in that marble column now before us represemething. (Loud cheers.) When that statue of Washington sustains in its firm hands the flagstaff of stripes (pointing to the flag on the bust of Washington) which wave in your midst. They are the thiaham Lincoln has inaugurated a crash; if George Washington is to be no longer known as the successf and pride, this cradle of the civil life of Washington, where despotism sheathed its last sword andre to ask me for my passport at the grave of Washington? Speech of Frederic Kapp. If I underst this park, and as I walked by the statue of Washington on the other side, and saw the flag of Fort to say, it had been just stated to him that Washington, their noble capital, was in danger; and as [4 more...]
ttles for the justness of our cause. Madness and folly ruled at Washington. Had it not have been so, several of the States would have been in the old Union for a year to come. Maryland would join us, and may be, ere long, the principles that Washington fought for might be again administered in the city that bore his name. Every son of the South, from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, should rally to the support of Maryland. If Lincoln quits Washington as ignominously as he entered it, God's o your arms — defend your wives and firesides. He alluded to the momentous consequences of the issue involved. Rather than be conquered, let every second man rally to drive back the invader. The conflict maybe terrible, but the victory will be ours. Virginians, said he, you fight for the preservation of your sacred rights — the land of Patrick Henry — to keep from desecration the tomb of Washington, the graves of Madison, Jefferson, and all you hold most dear.--Richmond Dispatch, April
of the military strength of the State. Mr. Bell was followed by Hon. Edwin H. Ewing, who declared that in his opinion the Union between the North and the South was at an end forever, and he had no hope of its restoration. He regarded this as a war of subjugation, and he would never consent to such a domination as was attempted to be established over us. He was for a most vigorous prosecution of the war. He denied that the Federal Administration is the United States of America, or that Washington was the rightful seat of Government. The District of Columbia was carved out of Southern territory, and they ought not to be permitted to hold an island in our own country. He was therefore for taking it. He was for unity of action among all the States of the South under any military leader who was best qualified to lead them. He said that though Mr. Jefferson Davis had not been a favorite with him as a politician, he believed him to be as able and competent a military commander as ther
illars is now moving from beneath the glorious arch, and soon may we all stand amid the broken columns and upon the scattered fragments of the Constitution of our once united and happy country. Whilst, then, we may yet recede from the brink of that precipice on which we now stand, whilst we are once more convened as citizens of the American Union, and have still a common country; whilst we are yet fondly gazing, perhaps for the last time, upon that banner which floated over the army of Washington, and living beneath that Constitution which bears his sacred name, let us at least endeavor to transmit to posterity, unimpaired, that Union cemented by the blood of our forefathers. Gov. Hayne, of Carolina, in his late proclamation, inquires if that State was linked to the Union, in the iron bonds of a perpetual Union. These bonds were not of iron, or Carolina would never have worn them, but they are the enduring chains of peace and union. One link could not be severed from this
but: one path for every true man to travel, and that is broad and plain. It will conduct us, not indeed without trials and sufferings, to peace and to the restoration of the Union. He who is not for his country is against her. (Applause.) There is no neutral position to be occupied. It is the duty of all zealously to support the Government in its efforts to bring this unhappy civil war to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion, by the restoration, in its integrity, of that; great charter of freedom bequeathed to us by Washington and his compatriots. His ashes, I humbly trust, will ever continue to repose in the lowly tomb at Mt. Vernon, and in the United States of America, (applause,) which he loved so well, and did so much to found and build up. Manifest your regard for his memory by following, each with the compass of his power, his noble example and restore his work as he left it, by devoting heart, mind, and deed to the cause. (Loud-continued cheering.)--N. Y. Times, April 29.
ts landed, and took up the line of march for Washington. The people of Annapolis, though greatly exasperated, acting under counsel of the most prudent citizens, refrained from molesting or obstructing the passage of the troops through the city. Seriously impressed with the condition of affairs, and anxious to avoid a repetition of events similar to those which had transpired in Baltimore, I deemed it my duty to make another appeal at Washington. Accordingly I sent a special messenger to Washington, with a dispatch to the administration, advising that no more troops be sent through Maryland ;that the troops at Annapolis be sent elsewhere, and urging that a truce be offered with a view of a peaceful settlement of existing difficulties by mediation. I suggested that Lord Lyons, the British Minister, be requested to act as mediator between the contending parties. The result of the mission will be seen from the correspondence herewith submitted. These events have satisfied me that the