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driven the rebels entirely out of Tennessee, but has put the State in a perfect condition of defence, so that he may be free, at his convenience, to enter on his new campaign southward. The mission of F. P. Blair, Sr. A telegram from Washington, relative to the Blair "mission" to Richmond, says: We hear to-day, from an authentic source, that Mr. Blair, Sr., had no permission or authority from Mr. Lincoln to do aught else than try to recover those papers which were stolen from his to obtain a peace which can only be gained by the diplomacy of such ambassadors as Grant, Sherman, Thomas and Sheridan. The removal of General B. F. Butler. The rumored removal of General Butler proves to be correct. A telegram from Washington says: General Grant yesterday relieved General Butler from command. The alleged reason is said to be his failure to capture Fort Fisher, he not considering the opinion of Generals Butler and Weitzel, that to attempt it would be useless,
inion of "a Union General"--a New commissioner. The Yankee papers contain a good deal of speculation about the mission of Blair to Richmond. A dispatch from Washington, dated on Wednesday, says: Information from the Army of the James, received here to-night, is that Frank Blair, Sr., reached Richmond on Monday evening anwilling to make terms with the Democratic party. The New York Times gets up a special peace arrangement on its own account. It has a special telegram from Washington, with the following heading gorgeously displayed in large type. "Very Important — More Rumors about Peace — Reported Appointment of Fifteen Commissioners by the, of South Carolina; Leech and Gillmore, of North Carolina; Reeves, of Virginia; and Smith and Singleton, of Mississippi. The same paper has a dispatch from Washington purporting to give the sentiments of "a distinguished Union general." This distinguished person cannot see peace so near, as the South, instead of preparing for
On the 20th ultimo, you write that you had "expressed your hope" to the Secretary of State of the United States that I should be "set free immediately," &c.; and on the 28th ultimo you do not say what has been the issue of that hope; and while referring to the prize proceedings against the Greyhound, you make no reference whatever to my personal claims of protection by the British flag as a passenger on the high seas. In the meantime, I have been imprisoned in Fort Warren, by orders from Washington, without notice, without trial, and without being advised of any charge whatever against me. It is true that Her Majesty's consul at Boston mentioned to me that he understood that you had written the first letter, assuring me of my claim of liberty, under the impression that I was a British subject: an impression which your Lordship will do me the justice to observe was not derived from any statement of mine, or any implication of my correspondence. But I cannot see the force of the
ed their property and slaves. It is intended, by Davis, to arm and equip two hundred thousand slaves for the next summer campaign. Had Mr. Foote reached here, it was his intention to try and mediate for his oppressed people, independent of the rebel chief, and failing to make peace, to travel in some foreign clime, and end his days in a calm review of his past life. The New York Times rather opposes the idea of protecting Mr. Foote. It says: A telegraphic dispatch from Washington ascribes to the President the threat that, if the rebel authorities "harm" their fugitive member of Congress, H. S. Foote, he will retaliate upon "five of the most distinguished rebel prisoners in our hands." This strikes us as simply absurd. What have we to do with Foote any more than with any other adherent of the rebel Government? True, he has become disgusted with secession, and was trying to secure his personal safety by escaping within our lines. But that gives him no more claim u
The Daily Dispatch: January 19, 1865., [Electronic resource], Runaway.--one thousand Dollars Reward. (search)
in 1853 he was elected United States Senator by the Legislature of Massachusetts, in place of the Hon. John Davis, deceased. His health failing, Mr. Everett did not long remain in the Senate, resigning, and once more returning to his home. Since that time he lived in comparative retirement, refusing to accept any office at the hands of his fellow-citizens, but ever alive to their interests and the interests of his country. His great effort in securing Mount Vernon, the resting-place of Washington, to the American people, is fresh in the memory of all; and the patriotic position which he assumed on the outbreaking of the rebellion has endeared his name and character to every lover of his country and every advocate of the principles of both, justice and freedom. Since the commencement of the war, Mr. Everett never ceased to lend his voice, use his influence, or give of his means towards aiding the Government in its efforts to subdue the rebellion. It has had no firmer friend, and i
bales of cotton on board, by way of the western bar, with a view to bring back a cargo of hard coal sufficient to enable not only herself but the Chickamauga also to put to sea on another privateering expedition. He assigns as a reason for his desertion a long continued and growing discontent with his officers, his treatment and fare, and the cause for which he has been fighting. The peace mission of Blair — his return to Washington. The papers contain a great many dispatches from Washington about Mr. Blair's mission to Richmond. He returned to Washington on the afternoon of Monday on the steamer Don--flagship of the Potomac flotilla. A telegram to the Tribune (Blair's organ for the time being) says: Nothing was known to her officers about the result of his mission to Richmond, but it was observed that Mr. Blair was in a remarkably good humor, from which the inference was drawn that he had accomplished a gratifying success. The Don arrived at Aiken's landing, on t
soon as that attempt was made, urging it on with just as much vehemence as he had deprecated it; talking about his musket against the South; strewing his rhetorical pinks and carnations around the footsteps of Lincoln, and devoting the land of Washington, where he had been received with open hands and hearts, to fire and sword. For his own fame, he ought to have died before the war, and carried the secret of his hollowness to the grave. There is no excuse for his apostasy in the Union frer inventive powers, or oratory and scholarship, to make up greatness. But immovable steadiness of purpose and the most habitual and exclusive devotion to principle are absolutely essential to a great man. Edward Everett might describe the character of Washington, but he never could imitate the qualities which he described. He was simply an artist, an artist of genius perhaps, who could paint a beautiful portrait of a great man, but the original and the painter are two very different persons.
ey have committed murder, and other crimes, which are punishable with death by all civilized governments on earth. I think this was the course indicated by General Washington in reference to the whiskey insurrection, and a like principle seemed to be recognized at the time of the Burr conspiracy. As to the Union of the States under our government, we have the high authority of General Washington, who bade us be jealous and careful of it, and the still more emphatic words of General Jackson, "The Federal Union--it must and shall be preserved." Certainly, Georgians cannot question the authority of such men, and should not suspect our motives, who are sembers of Congress and Senators, and these go and take their seats, then the State of Georgia will have resumed her functions in the Union. A telegram from Washington to the New York Tribune gives an inkling of a grand scheme to be carried out by Sherman. It says: One of the results of Secretary Stanton's visit to Sava
evelop the drift of events, which will be found sufficiently sensational for the most morbid imaginations. It was anticipated that an early aggressive movement on the part of General Thomas was on the programme. I think now that present indications don't look exactly that way. General Thomas Francis Meagher left here yesterday with a considerable force, ostensibly for Savannah. Hood's army is reported at Okolona, Mississippi. Exchange of prisoners. A dispatch from Washington says: It appears from a communication of the Secretary of War that the entire subject of an exchange of prisoners is now placed in the hands of Lieutenant-General Grant; and that, although only partial exchanges have thus far been made, there is reason to believe a full exchange will soon be effected. Lincoln in favor of running goods into the Confederacy to Pay for cotton. They are having a lively time in the Yankee Congress "investigating" the cotton question. Some of th
through the medium of Mr. Francis P. Blair--though it is doubtful if they are even worthy of being called "overtures," inasmuch as that implies a readiness on the part of those making them to abandon the arbitrament of arms and depend wholly on a settlement through negotiation. We are quite sure that no one connected with our Government, whose position qualifies him to judge, entertains the serious belief that anything tangible will grow out of the very delicate diplomacy going on between Washington and Richmond. According to our best information, Mr. Blair's mission is undertaken with the permission simply of the President, and with no endorsement or authority from him. An experienced politician like Mr. Blair cannot fail, of course, through those manipulations so expertly used in diplomatic life, to ascertain precisely the views and sentiments of Mr. Davis and the other leaders of the rebellion. We hazard little in predicting that those views will be a reiteration of the demand fo
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