Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Fletcher Webster or search for Fletcher Webster in all documents.

Your search returned 164 results in 12 document sections:

1 2
ton with that of Massachusetts. The Commonwealth is for Kossuth; the city is against him. The line is broadly drawn. The same line is run between my political supporters and opponents. The city is bigoted, narrow, provincial, and selfish; the country has more the spirit of the American Revolution. One cannot but note a certain type in the portraits of the Boston men of this period as they hang in private houses, libraries, and museums, where they appear like strong-featured, and, as Mr. Webster called them, solid men. Their heads, as cut by artists in marble, if exhumed among the ruins of the buried city ages to come, would not be unworthy of a place with the busts which line the long hall of the Vatican. The professions and journals, which direct the thought of a people, were at the time in a high degree conservative. Dr. James Walker, then professor at Cambridge, was easily the first preacher. King's Chapel, with Rev. Ephraim Peabody in the pulpit and worshippers of the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
ly oration, Sumner was called to mourn the death of his beloved teacher and friend, Judge Story. He prepared, in connection with Hillard, the resolutions which Mr. Webster presented at the meeting of the Suffolk bar, held in Boston, in recognition of the event, Law Reporter, Boston, vol. VIII. pp. 256, 258. and was placed on t the great orations of great orators. But I had listened to Choate's Law School address and Everett's inaugural, and had been in the audience more than once when Webster had spoken. Sumner held and delighted his hearers to the close. His magnificent person was in the prime of its beauty. His deep voice had not then the huskinesand dictionary character. He cannot look at it face to face. Besides, his style is miserably dry and crude. As a politician here he is bitter and vindictive for Webster. To Thomas Brown, Ante, vol. i. p. 156. Lanfire House, Scotland, June 24:— I mourned the death of Mr. Colden, David C. Colden. He married Miss Wilk
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 31: the prison—discipline debates in Tremont Temple.—1846-1847. (search)
s to be added to the appropriation. He was the chairman of the committee of conference which decided finally on the provisions of the bill. Sumner had an interest unusual with public men in questions outside of politics. Tocqueville plied Mr. Webster with questions on prison discipline, but found that he was not interested in the subject, saying that it was useless to try to reform criminals. Tocqueville added: Webster, like thousands of statesmen, cares only for power. Life and Letters Webster, like thousands of statesmen, cares only for power. Life and Letters of Dr. F. Lieber, p. 256. The details of the prison discipline controversy as given in this chapter are justified by its intimate connection with Sumner's start in his public career. They show better than any general statement what was the kind of community in which he first demonstrated his powers, as well as what social obstructions stood in the way of his taking his place among reformers and agitators; and the recital also is not without interest in its exhibition of the qualities and t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
He wrote to Lieber, Nov. 17, 1845:— Webster has talked of resigning his seat in the Senat 24.1846; March 1, 1847; March 17, 23, 1848. Webster's Life, by G. T. Curtis, vol. II. pp. 291, 3. The speech contained an invocation to Mr. Webster, whose presence had been expected, appealin states in his Diary, vol. XII. p. 274, that Webster prepared the resolutions. The style is surelrters of the amendment generally not voting. Webster, as soon as the resolutions were disposed of,ention, addressed a letter to Mr. Webster, Webster and Sumner exchanged calls early in 1848. Thquestion widely divided them from this time. Webster was Secretary of State during Sumner's first annot be the great issue before the country. Webster has not been able to resurrect it. Old John Qt for it, or to claim it as their thunder. Webster in this speech declared it to be a duty to sindifferent,— the united Whig party. Like Mr. Webster, he sees no star in the horizon but Whigger[21 more...]<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
vice for keeping the peace within the party. Webster earnestly advocated it; Speeches of March 1, 1847, and March 23, 1848. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 253, 271. Corwin gave it later his sanc nomination was made. The Atlas's support of Webster was at first genuine, but late in the canvasssociates in Massachusetts would have accepted Webster; E. R. Hoar, C. R. Train, and Rev. J. W. T were of those who took the favorable view of Webster at this time. Wilson and Allen voted for him is a movement at the State House to nominate Webster. E. Rockwood Hoar and Charles R. Train promoe I welcomed; at the same time I said that if Webster were presented as a candidate on these groundry. He has evidently felt the fascination of Webster's presence. Webster told him that he would nations, was now an open supporter of Taylor. Webster, after some dalliance with the movement, was ty was in its open and formal action pressing Webster as its candidate. He gave a long account of [13 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
a. The Administration at Washington, under Mr. Webster's lead, determined that this proceeding shoate was again in question. Lodge's Life of Webster, pp. 292, 321; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the wer, vol. II. p. 241; G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 307, note. He now announced thaiple, and of no real practical importance. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 421, 422, 423, 436; volTexas by sending our troops to New Mexico. Webster's Works, vol. II. pp. 557, 562, 571, 572; Prtive Slave law in Boston, Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 490. and with his passionate cher's Works, vol. v. p. 432; Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. The writer was present wheorators of 1860 and 1861. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. pp. 517-520. Everett omitted this speech from his edition of Webster's Works. On the death of President Taylor, he did not conceal fr judgment of history is not likely to relieve Webster of the imputation that a desire to become Pre[39 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
from his own people. G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 397. and at first only one Whigfore, opposed the Compromise up to the day of Webster's speech. It denied the existence of Southerirection, and without any explanation came to Webster's support. From that time it was bitter, eves, May 3 and June 6 (Notes, July 8) subjected Webster's speech of March 7, and his Newburyport and anti-Webster men became exceedingly bitter. Webster's Latinity—his comparison of Mann to the captrase, at least in the sense applied to it by Webster, had no classical authority. This brought Prsor Felton into the controversy, who defended Webster at length, and drew an opposite view from Prooint of controversy in the Register was as to Webster's and Mann's statements of the requirement ofisible mementos of the controversy concerning Webster remain in the statues of Webster and Mann pla person of a higher order of capacity. As to Webster,—Emerson calls him a dead elephant! To Wi[15 more...]<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
after he began. The passages in the speech which appealed to human sympathies touched the hearts of many spectators. Mr. Webster, who happened to come in early in the speech, remained an hour; Mann's Life, p. 381. and as far as known it was hiss 1850-1854. In the popular interest it excited, the speech ranks with Corwin's on the Mexican War, in 1847, and with Webster's on the Compromise, in 1850. Among the various editions was one from the office of the National Era, Washington, D. peech at Lynn, April 3, 1851, and in Congress, June 11, 1852. As an original question this doctrine had the sanction of Webster in his Seventh of March speech, of the learned jurist Joel Parker, Professor at the Law School in Cambridge, and even of Samuel K. Lothrop, pp. 182-183. If the Southern men thought other Northern leaders were playing a part, and would, like Webster and Corwin, yield their position under a sufficient pressure of ambition or selfinterest, they exempted him from such a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
ay of our cause; but truth will prevail. Mr. Webster's partisans, deeming him unjustly treated ait of health, and additional constraint since Webster's death,—reasons which alone are not quite sa him from continuous speaking in a campaign. Webster, Everett, and Choate were accustomed to treat 9, 1852:— I will say that nobody but Mr. Webster could have made the Fugitive Slave bill in wo events of importance have happened here,—Mr. Webster's death, and General Pierce's election. ththe corrected edition of your sermon, On Mr. Webster. which has produced everywhere a profound iold. The voters of Marshfield, the home of Mr. Webster, were radically antislavery, and the names e time that his election was a disapproval of Webster's support of the Compromise by his townsmen, and R. Yeadon of South Carolina in praise of Webster's course on the Compromise. Mr. Everett, in tip. Here in Boston Hunkerism is very bitter; Webster's friends are implacable. The Courier, which[3 more...
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
ion than Sumner or Seward, and used brief notes only, according to Webster's habit. In a speech of two hours and a half, he exposed Douglas'pported the Compromise of 1850, giving his full countenance to all Webster had said and done in its behalf. As far as he could see, when theoke in a low tone. and without any glow. except when he dwelt on Webster's support of the Compromise of 1850. (Mrs. Paulina W. Davis, Libeondence confessed sadly that the public mind had been debauched by Webster and the Compromise of 1850, so that it would now yield to any demalegal penalties, they saw their old adversaries, the supporters of Webster in 1850, at last confessing the failure of Compromise, and repeatihuman equality by saying that Sumner could no more be the equal of Webster than the jackal was the equal of the lion, or the buzzard the equathan with the old leaders, particularly those who still swear by Mr. Webster; but it is apparent wherever I go,—in the streets, and also in t
1 2