Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Thurlow Weed or search for Thurlow Weed in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
Gordon Bennett's later change of front is described in Thurlow Weed's Memoir, vol. I. pp. 616-618. As soon as the secehe inclusion of this address in his volume of speeches. Thurlow Weed, on the other hand, contemporaneously with Greeley's prber 1 and 15; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. p. 360; Weed's Life, vol. II. pp. 303, 313. George E. Baker wrote to Suember 3, from Albany, that no influential man agreed with Mr. Weed's view, and that it had no support in the rural districts questioned the wisdom of the overtures made by himself and Weed. American Conflict, vol. I. p. 361. General Scott, head ohemselves upon me. Seward's Life, vol. II. pp. 496-497: Weed's Life, vol. II. p. 308. This singular estimate of his owntions with them as they could wish. I hope this is not so. Weed, in his semi-official visit to England and France, discove to remove it. Seward's Life, vol. III. pp. 29, 30, 37; Weed's Life, vol. II. pp. 355-361. The Duchess of Sutherland ev
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
d: There was no honest feeling on the subject of slavery in America except among the Abolitionists, headed by that great and good man, Charles Sumner. The Duchess of Argyll wrote Sumner, Dec. 1, 1861, that while foreigners who had been close observers of American politics might be expected to see that the Civil War might become one of liberation, Americans had no right to expect the world at large to believe that it is what many of its leaders are asserting that it is not. In January, 1862, Weed found that our cause lacked moral support in France as well as in England from the want of an avowed antislavery policy. Seward's Life, vol. III. p. 57. In less than a year the mistake was confessed when Seward in a letter to Adams, Feb. 17, 1862, took note of the prejudice which the cause of the Union had suffered in Great Britain and France from the assumption that the government which maintained it is favorable, or at least not unfavorable, to the perpetuation of slavery; and he proceede
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ston: My poor brother was at last released from his trials yesterday afternoon, and we shall bury him from my mother's house to-morrow at two o'clock precisely. You and Mrs. Waterston were always kind to him and to me. The funeral will be private; but I should be sorry if friends like you should not be informed of the time. If I could reach Mr. Josiah Quincy, I should let him know also. Of the five brothers, Charles alone remained; but his mother and his sister Julia were still living. Sumner was pressed to address political meetings during the autumn in New England and the West. A letter of great urgency, signed by Senators Preston King and Harris, Thurlow Weed, Governor Morgan, and Hiram Barney, besought him to give several addresses in the State of New York; he was asked to preside at the Republican State convention in Massachusetts. These requests were declined, and engagements to deliver a lecture were given up on account of the critical condition of his brother's health.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
with Bennett of the Herald. On Mr. Dayton's death, Mr. Lincoln offered the French mission to Mr. Bennett as a grateful recognition of the Herald's change from a disloyal to a loyal journal in 1861— the change taking place after a call from Thurlow Weed, which was made at the President's instance. Weed's Life, vol. i. pp. 615-619. To Mr. Bright, August 8:— My early prophecy in 1862 will be fulfilled, and nobody hanged for treason . . . . Meanwhile the day of tranquillity and reconWeed's Life, vol. i. pp. 615-619. To Mr. Bright, August 8:— My early prophecy in 1862 will be fulfilled, and nobody hanged for treason . . . . Meanwhile the day of tranquillity and reconciliation is still further postponed. Some of our friends are in great despair; I am not. The good cause cannot be lost. My counsel has been to put off the question. Neither party is ready to accept in proper spirit any final settlement. The former masters are as little ready for equality as the freedmen; but the latter are the better prepared. I think Congress will be disposed to settle the great question on proper principles. Thus far there is more agreement among us than I have ever kno<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
am also grateful for the changes brought by the war. I am for German unity, as well as Italian unity; indeed, I see little chance of permanent peace until these nations are established in their natural relations. Austria is an abnormal, unreal nation, and ought to cease. I follow your excitements in England, and look forward to the next session of Parliament as of great importance. New York is the only State where we have anxiety as to the elections. It remains to be seen what Seward and Weed can accomplish. To George Bancroft, November 8:— Just as I am leaving Newport I make haste to acknowledge your ninth volume, which I brought with me here, and which has been one of my companions. The work is full of thoroughness and unprecedented research. I know not where I see these the most, whether in the home chapters or the foreign chapters. The White Plains battle, the surrender of Fort Washington, and the Jersey campaign are very vividly presented. The name of Reed suffe
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
e institutions. This ended the question of a third term in 1876; but it was revived again in 1880, when the scheme was supported by Conkling, Cameron, Logan, and Fish. The better sentiment of the country was aroused against it, and it again failed, though this time materially aided by the idea that a strong man or savior of society was needed to maintain order in the Southern States. Among Republicans openly protesting in 1880 against General Grant's candidacy were President Woolsey, Thurlow Weed, Murat Hastead, E. R. Hoar, Henry L. Pierce, Rev. Henry W. Bellows, and Rev. James Freeman Clarke. For articles and opinions adverse to a third term, see New York Nation, Aug. 22, 1878, Oct. 16, 1879; Boston Transcript, Jan. 21, 1880 (containing opinions of college presidents); and address of General John B. Henderson at St. Louis, April 10, 1880. No State was so fixed against a third term for General Grant as Massachusetts, where, in 1880, the Republican State convention by a large maj