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William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 3: White reaction. (search)
Chapter 3: White reaction. For seventeen months New Orleans groaned under the yoke of Governors who could not rule, of Assemblies which were unable to pass bills, and of Tribunals which reversed each other's decrees. Kellogg, though backed by Grant, was repudiated by Congress. McEnery though supported by the main body of White citizens in New Orleans, was not recognised by the authorities at Washington. The courts were open to Kellogg, if he cared to try his right. Though taunted bready, on two hours notice, to fall in on twelve hours notice, to take the field. This league gave confidence to those White citizens who wished to end the reign of anarchy, by driving Kellogg as a stranger from New Orleans, by sending Antoine, the city, and in a reign of order is commanded by the mayor; but the intruders have usurped the mayor's authority, driven White men out of the service, and filled up the ranks with tall and burly Negroes. In the hands of Badger this police is nothi
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 5: the State House. (search)
he Conservatives not only a legal quorum but a working majority of five members. All these fifty-eight Conservatives are White. If such a house should meet the Kelloggites are lost. A first battle has been fought in the Returning Board — a body Among them may be good Republicans, men who heartily believe there is no way of saving Black equality except by crushing White freedom; but these Republicans have no voice in the clubs and drawing-rooms where White men meet and White women reign. White men meet and White women reign. They stand apart, committed by their heresies to a social ban. In Kellogg's list of fifty-three adherents, twenty-eight are Negroes. Nearly all these Negroes have been slaves-labourers in the rice-ground and the cotton-field. A few can read prWhite women reign. They stand apart, committed by their heresies to a social ban. In Kellogg's list of fifty-three adherents, twenty-eight are Negroes. Nearly all these Negroes have been slaves-labourers in the rice-ground and the cotton-field. A few can read print, and scratch their names; not many can do either; while only three or four can express their meaning in decent English words. Most of them are so poor and ignorant, so vain and shifty, that Kellogg dares not trust them in the streets and grog-s
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 7: banditti (search)
and equality of rights in the States of Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas; and the Executive from much of the trouble heretofore had in this section of the country. P. H. Sheridan. Ave Caesar! With the fleet and army now at New Orleans, no White citizen dares to stir! The White Leaguers to be denounced by Caesar as bandits are the White people-planters, advocates, physicians, bankers, clergymen, owners of the land, the buildings, and the produce-masters of all the liberal and domesticecutive has never been troubled by reports from Peigan camps. The evening papers print the text of Sheridan's telegram. Banditti! Banditti! Still banditti? Yet a change of tone is evident in this despatch. Yesterday the word was applied to White leaguers only; now it is applied to similar organizations, whether White or Black. Sheridan has learned, not merely that a Black League exists, but that a Black leaguer may be brother in offence to a White leaguer. No longer of opinion that a p
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 8: the Conservatives. (search)
usiness when De Trobriand drove the Conservative Members out of their seats by force. A Report, embodying these five facts, has been presented to Congress, and has roused the country like a crash of war. The full Committee is coming down, but no one thinks the four Members who have not been here will contradict the three who have. From east to west, the country seems to be aflame. Quick, sensitive, meridional as are the men of New Orleans, they are not prepared for such an outbreak of White sentiment as fires the North. Boston is not less eager in sympathy than New York. Pittsburg joins hands with Cleveland; Cincinnati calls aloud to San Francisco. Never, since President Lincoln's death, has so much passion found a vent in speech. Statesmen who weigh their words are coming to the front, arraigning President Grant of something like high treason to the commonwealth. Adams in Boston, Bryant in New York, are giving the highest intellectual sanction to the general fury. Evart
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 9: Governor Warmoth. (search)
e and the moral order they require. Opinion rules; and, be you Republican or Conservative, you must conduct your cars in accordance with public sentiment. This question of whether the Negro shall or shall not be allowed to ride in street cars, excites as much debate as the telegrams of Sheridan. Everyone is suggesting remedies and discussing compromises. General Warmoth suggests, that cars might be started in Canal Street, to be marked with a star, in which Negroes may ride, with such White people as have no objection to their company. He carries this suggestion to his old friend Jewell for insertion in the Bulletin. Jewell declines to give it space. Then I must try elsewhere, says Warmoth. Jewell is of opinion that the scheme should not be broached. I think it may and should, says Warmoth. If you print that document, cries Jewell, I will ruin you for ever. Warmoth prints his suggestion, and the two Conservative leaders, McEnery and Wiltz, adopt it as a reasonable com
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 10: carpet-baggers. (search)
sence of a White man. The Hon. Michael Hahn affects not to know how many members of his parliament are Black, how many White. We take no note of colour, he remarks; but while Massa Demas is thumping and roaring, we count the heads, and find theUpper House, we find a tall, pale Negro, with a small head and dissipated face, presiding over fifteen Black and thirteen White senators, who are debating whether they shall or shall not read the Senators in Washington a lesson by sending Pinchback tors agree that the White fellows in Washington are impertinent in rejecting Pinch. He is the martyr of his skin. Those White fellows talk about his character. What right have they to pry into a gentleman's private life? They prate about Governo have an honest Government, and should be rather glad than otherwise to have a Conservative majority in the Lower House. White people are easier to satisfy than Black. Why let the Chamber meet, transact business, and print journals, as though t
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 11: the Rotunda. (search)
y now being vented on the great criminal at the White House. Impeachment is demanded in a thousand voices. Resignation is suggested, and in fact announced. The country seems aflame, the whole White family rallying to the defence of outraged law. Yesterday the President seemed resolved to back his lieutenant. He was asked by the Senate to state what is passing in New Orleans, and how he means to deal with matters; for the reports of Foster, Phelps, and Potter to Congress, clearing the White citizens of New Orleans, and charging disorder in the South on the military party, have created a profound excitement. When such party men as Foster and Phelps can find no word to say for their political friends, the cause is lost; yet President Grant was minded to go on, assume the burthen of events, and leave Sheridan free to take his course. He framed a Message to Congress in this sense. But beyond the War Office, where his adjutants fumed and smoked, he found few backers. Senators
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 12: Georgia. (search)
er County there are nearly two Negroes to each White; in Baker County, Camden County, Columbia CounCounty there are more than two Negroes to each White; in Liberty County there are nearly three Negroes to each White; in Bullock County and Hurston County there are more than three Negroes to each WWhite; and in Lee County there are four Negroes to every White. If all the Negroes in these countieWhite. If all the Negroes in these counties held together, under the advice of carpet-baggers and with the help of Federal bayonets, they migreign of Charles the Fifth. Have you many White leaguers in Georgia? we ask a senator in Atlankly; you will find either Black leaguers and White leaguers in every district where you see Blackonthly messages on Negro misdeeds in Caddo and White encroachments on Red River. When we have a Dethe Negro uppermost in the State, his hands in White men's pockets, and his heels on White men's neWhite men's necks. The Negroes and Mulattoes think these scalawags speak the truth. Poor things! they cannot r[2 more...]
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 13: Black ascendancy. (search)
Chapter 13: Black ascendancy. in the relations of her White people to the coloured race, South Carolina is the most unlucky section of America. In Louisiana the two colours are nearly balanced. Nine or ten years may turn the scale; since the European family increases while the African falls away. Even in Mississippi the s to the Black. In spite of accidents the White man must be master on this continent. Why, then, should we provoke an issue in the field? No one but an enemy of White civilization wants a second civil war. We only need to wait, certain to conquer if we wait. My friend is right. A Negro cannot stand the impact of free life; Import a horse and cow, and they will drive out buffalo and elk. The lower forms give way in presence of a higher type. Negro ascendancy, even though supported for a time by Federal troops, will fail before White science, as surely as a forest of plants fades before an English spruce and a herd of game before an English horse.
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 14: Charleston. (search)
ook straight into a gentleman's face. How many Negresses and Mulattaes would face one of these White damsels? The Government is under the control of Negro voters, and the State of South Carolinading and writing, such as those of Attorney-general and Superintendent of Education, are left to White men, but those of higher pay and wider patronage are taken by the Blacks. The State Treasurer is; and the podesta of South Carolina shows a disposition to respond, so far as he can meet these White advances without fear of estranging his coloured friends. Things are now going well with youlack officers in Edgefield county. The White inhabitants are treated as a subject race. If any White man resents an insult, the Black militia is ordered out. You cannot call out the State militia, to occur. If Chamberlain disbands his Negro troops, he will be forced to lean more and more on White support. Such compromises as those of Russell, Trenholm, and Dawson, are the true secrets of st
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