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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1 68 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 20 0 Browse Search
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist 12 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 8 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays 4 0 Browse Search
James Parton, Horace Greeley, T. W. Higginson, J. S. C. Abbott, E. M. Hoppin, William Winter, Theodore Tilton, Fanny Fern, Grace Greenwood, Mrs. E. C. Stanton, Women of the age; being natives of the lives and deeds of the most prominent women of the present gentlemen 4 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 4 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 2 0 Browse Search
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Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Chapter 7: master strokes. (search)
and designs of the society, he was enabled to falsify facts, to conceal the real principles of the scheme with astonishing audacity and activity. He approached Wilberforce, and duped Clarkson into a belief in the antislavery aim of the society. Unmasked in America, the time had come when the interests of the Abolition movement bolitionists, viz., the breaking by Act of Parliament of the fetters of eight hundred thousand slaves. He was in time to greet his great spiritual kinsman, William Wilberforce, and to undeceive him in respect of the Colonization Society, before death claimed his body, and to follow him to his last resting-place by the side of Pitt ought to be denounced and opposed by all humane, and especially by all pious persons in this country. The protest against the Colonization Society signed by Wilberforce and eleven of the most distinguished Abolitionists in Great Britain, including Buxton, Macaulay, Cropper, and Daniel O'Connell, showed how thoroughly Garrison h
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Chapter 14: brotherly love fails, and ideas abound. (search)
saw what before he did not suspect. I had supposed you, he wrote in his new estate, a very pious person, and that a large proportion of the Abolitionists were religious persons. I have thought of you as another Wilberforce-but would Wilberforce have spoken thus of the day on which the Son of God rose from the dead? Garrison's query in reply--Would Wilberforce have denied the identity of Christ with the Father? --was a palpable hit. But as he himself justly remarked, Such questions aWilberforce have denied the identity of Christ with the Father? --was a palpable hit. But as he himself justly remarked, Such questions are not arguments, but fallacies unworthy of a liberal mind. Nevertheless, so long as men are attached to the leading strings of sentiment rather than to those of reason, such questions will possess tremendous destructive force, as Mr. Garrison, in his own case, presently perceived. He understood the importance of not arousing against him denominational feelings or peculiarities, and so had steered the Liberator clear of the rocks of sectarianism. But when he took up in its columns the Sabbat
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Index. (search)
es, 234, 317, 339, 346, 359, Tappan, Arthur, 83, 84, 164, 171, 184, 209, 210. Tappan, Lewis, 149. 177, 201, 209, 283, 285. Texas Agitation, 314-318. Thompson, George, 204-206, 210, 212, 213, 216, 217, 218, 238, 294, 295, 351, 383, 385. Thurston, David, 18o. Tilton, Theodore, 382. Todd, Francis, 75, 76, 77, 81, 82, 87. Toombs, Robert, 338. Travis, Joseph, 124. Turner, Nat., 124-125. Uncle Tom's Cabin, 351-352. Villard, Mrs. Henry, 394. Walker, David, 121, 122, 123, 126. Ward, Rev. Samuel R., 344. Ware, Rev. Henry, Jr., 203. Weob, Richard D., 310, 316, 318, 326. Webster, Daniel, 35, 101, 110, III, 117, 249, 338, 339, 347, 348, 370. Weld, Theodore D., 149, 190, 264, 279. Wesley, John, 70, 107. White, Nathaniel H., 41. Whitney, Eli, 98. Whittier, John Greenleaf, 34, 175, 179, 186, 202, 234, 279, 320. Wilberforce, William, 152, 154. Winslow, Isaac, 177. Winslow, Nathan, 177. Wright, Elizur, 147, 149, 185, 186, 202, 210, 283-285, 287, 320. Yerrington, James B., 113,
ned upon the endeavors to suppress the atrocity of Algerine Slavery; that it sought to baffle Wilberforce's great effort for the abolition of the African slave trade; and that, by a sordid compromisebenignly sought to check. And to bring an instance which is precisely applicable to our own, Wilberforce, when conducting the Anti-Slavery Enterprise of England, first against the slave-trade and th. of England, as either fanatics or hypocrites, in one of which classes he openly placed William Wilberforce. But impartial history, with immortal pen, has redressed these impassioned judgments; anen they are so much the more likely to be blindly governed by it. Such is the wise remark of Wilberforce; and I fear that among us there are too many who are unconsciously governed by such bias. Thvors to suppress the atrocity of Algerine Slavery; steadfastly in England it sought to baffle Wilberforce's great effort for the abolition of the African Slave-trade; and, at the formation of our own
case occurs which does not harrow the souls of good men, and bring tears of sympathy to the eyes, also those other noble tears which patriots shed o'er dying laws. Sir, I shall speak frankly. If there be an exception to this feeling, it will be found chiefly with a peculiar class. It is a sorry fact that the mercantile interest, in its unpardonable selfishness, twice in English history, frowned upon the endeavors to suppress the atrocity of Algerine Slavery; that it sought to baffle Wilberforce's great effort for the abolition of the African slave trade; and that, by a sordid compromise, at the formation of our Constitution, it exempted the same detested Heaven-defying traffic from American judgment. And now representatives of this interest, forgetful that commerce is the child of Freedom, join in hunting the Slave. But the great heart of the people recoils from this enactment. It palpitates for the fugitive, and rejoices in his escape. Sir, I am telling you facts. The lite
and very wicked. Ay, sir, it is common in modern practice. In England, it has vainly renewed itself with special frequency against the Bible Societies; against the friends of education; against the patrons of vaccination; against the partisans of peace, all of whom have been openly arraigned as provoking and increasing the very evils, whether of infidelity, idleness, disease, or war, which they benignly sought to check. And to bring an instance which is precisely applicable to our own, Wilberforce, when conducting the Anti-Slavery Enterprise of England, first against the slave-trade and then against Slavery itself, was told that those efforts, by which his name is now consecrated forevermore, tended to increase the hardships of the slave, even to the extent of riveting anew his chains. Such are the precedents for the imputation to which our Enterprise is exposed; and such, also, are the precedents by which I exhibit the fallacy of the imputation. Sir, I do not doubt that the E
were arraigned by still another eminent speaker—none other than that Tarleton, so conspicuous as the commander of the British horse in the southern campaigns of our Revolution, but more conspicuous in politics at home,—as a junto of sectaries, sophists, enthusiasts and fanatics; and also were again arraigned by no less person than a prince of the blood, the Duke of Clarence, afterwards William IV. of England, as either fanatics or hypocrites, in one of which classes he openly placed William Wilberforce. But impartial history, with immortal pen, has redressed these impassioned judgments; and the same impartial history will yet rejudge the impassioned judgments of this hour. 2. Hard words have been followed by personal disparagement, and the sneer is often launched that our Enterprise lacks the authority of names eminent in Church and State. If this be so, the more is the pity on their account; for our cause is needed to them more than they are needed to our cause. But alas! it
, who now listen, to divest yourselves for the time, of partisan constraint—to forget for the moment that you are Whigs or Democrats, or how you are called, and to remember only that you are men, with hearts to feel, with heads to understand, and with consciences to guide. Then only will you be in a condition to receive the truth. If men are not aware of the probable bias of party over them, then they are so much the more likely to be blindly governed by it. Such is the wise remark of Wilberforce; and I fear that among us there are too many who are unconsciously governed by such bias. There are men, who, while professing candor, yet show that the bitterness of party has entered into their whole character and lives, as the bitterness of the soil in Sardinia is said to appear even in its honey. At this election we do not choose a President of the United States, or member of Congress; but a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Attorney-General, and other State officers. To a superfici
he North. This memorial proceeds mainly from persons connected with trade and commerce. Now, it is a fact too well known in the history of England, and of our own country, that these persons, while often justly distinguished by their individual charities and munificence, have been lukewarm in their opposition to Slavery. Twice in English history the mercantile interest frowned upon the endeavors to suppress the atrocity of Algerine Slavery; steadfastly in England it sought to baffle Wilberforce's great effort for the abolition of the African Slave-trade; and, at the formation of our own Constitution, it stipulated a sordid compromise, by which this same detested, Heaven-defying traffic, was saved for twenty years from American judgment. But now it is all changed—at least in Boston. The representatives of the mercantile interest place themselves in the front of the new movement against Slavery, and, by their explicit memorial, call for the abatement of a grievance which they ha
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays, chapter 13 (search)
r a feeble presence. On the anti-slavery platform, where I was reared, I cannot remember one really poor speaker; as Emerson said, eloquence was dog-cheap there. The cause was too real, too vital, too immediately pressing upon heart and conscience, for the speaking to be otherwise than alive. It carried men away as with a flood. Fame is never wide or retentive enough to preserve the names of more than two or three leaders: Bright and Cobden in the anticorn-law movement; Clarkson and Wilberforce in that which carried West India Emancipation; Garrison, Phillips, and John Brown in the great American agitation. But there were constantly to be heard in anti-slavery meetings such minor speakers as Parker, Douglass, William Henry Channing, Burleigh, Foster, May, Remond, Pillsbury, Lucretia Mott, Abby Kelley,--each one holding the audience, each one making converts. How could eloquence not be present there, when we had not time to think of eloquence?--as Clarkson under similar circums
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