some safe and legal ground; but where in Louisiana can intruders like Kellogg find that safe and legal ground?
McEnery is not only stronger in votes but in repute and training.
Many of his adherents, such as Penn, his Lieutenant-governor, and Wiltz, his candidate for Speaker, were familiar with public business and the rules of public life.
Wealth, culture, eloquence are on their side.
In Kellogg's group there is hardly a man of name.
Among them may be good Republicans, men who heartily bwhom the Republican party have pricked for Speaker, sits in Kellogg's cabinet.
The scalawags distrust Michael Hahn, on account of his legal scruples, but their party is too poor in law to overlook his claim.
Who else is fit to stand against Louis A. Wiltz?
Some members want to have a Negro in the chair.
Some others, heated by spiced liquors, say they ought to pull down Kellogg and set up Pinch.
Ole Pinch is some Nig, cries one of his tipsy partisans.
Guess dat true, hiccups his no less ti
in the House. Fifty-five cast their votes for Wiltz, who is declared elected, in the midst of frann what to do, remains, and takes the oath from Wiltz.
Captain Floyd is voted Serjeant, and Mr. Tre nominated Clerk.
The House is now composed.
Wiltz, as Speaker, invites General De Trobriand to rll.
The Conservative Chamber, organised under Wiltz, appears to be recognised by the Federal troo
Are Federal bayonets still at his disposal?
Wiltz calls for help, and they obey that call.
Wills uncertain; but a long delay takes place; and Wiltz is carrying on his business, when De Trobriand, and asks to have the intruders pointed out. Wiltz answers that he knows of no intruders-all the My duty as an officer leaves me no choice.
Wiltz calls on every member to rise with him in prots has no authority in this Chamber, interposes Wiltz.
For him to meddle in the public business of ith me before this show of arms!
So saying, Wiltz adjourns the House, and followed by the whole [10 more...]
Ridge valleys and the Peigan hunting-grounds, my dashing neighbour sees his way to square accounts with such opponents as Wiltz and Ogden, McEnery and Penn.
I know these people well, he says, having lived with them in other times, when they were wiGulf to his command, has been received.
Meanwhile the President is called to study a remonstrance and appeal from Speaker Wiltz, who first telegraphs to him a brief account of the invasion:
I have the honour to inform you that the House ofto participate any longer in the business of the House under the dictation of the military.
Such being the facts, Louis A. Wiltz, as Speaker, respectfully appeals to the President to be informed by what authority and under what law the United Stes army interrupted and broke up a sessions of the House of Representatives of the State of Louisiana?
Should it appear, Wiltz goes on to say, that this invasion has been made without law and authority, he urgently requests that the Federal troops
hen the Federal troops retire.
From General McEnery's cabinet we go to the Conservative Lower House, in St. Louis Street, where we are cordially received by Speaker Wiltz.
A man of spare figure, closely-cropped hair, and pale, wan face, the Hon. Louis A. Wiltz has an easy and yet resolute manner.
As we enter the House Captain the Hon. Louis A. Wiltz has an easy and yet resolute manner.
As we enter the House Captain Kidd is speaking; Kidd, a lawyer and a soldier, and of equal standing in the camp and at the bar. He proposes that the whole body of Conservative legislators shall march to the State House, lower down the street, and demand admission to their seats.
Sixty-six gentlemen are present: the fifty-three members who are certified, and thirteen others who are wrongfully unseated by the Kellogg board.
You profess to be a lawful House?
we ask the Speaker.
No, says Wiltz, in a decided tone; We claim to be a legal quorum ; but we call ourselves a caucus, not an assembly; for we mean to keep within the law, even in such things as words.
While Kidd is urgi
his difference is at once his merit and his curse.
Society has brought him into friendly intercourse with men as stern in their Conservatism as McEnery and Penn.
Wiltz has received him; Ogden has visited him in jail.
By his charm of manner and his moderation of view, Warmoth has half-reconciled the upper classes to his presence says Warmoth.
If you print that document, cries Jewell, I will ruin you for ever.
Warmoth prints his suggestion, and the two Conservative leaders, McEnery and Wiltz, adopt it as a reasonable compromise of the dispute.
Next morning Jewell comes out with a leader in which Warmoth is described as Lazarus, raised from the dead byving killed a man. His prison is a court, his visiting-book filled with famous names.
McEnery calls on him in jail.
Ogden and Penn are no less courteous, and Speaker Wiltz pays him a formal visit.
Five hundred citizens go to see him in a single day. Never has Warmoth found himself so popular.
Nobody holds him guilty of the bloo
e was a servant of clerks; he is the master of senators.
Since the Caliph made his porter a pasha, no man of his calling has been raised to so high a place.
It was a golden chance.
Apart from accidents, Antoine is not a man who could have risen.
This Negro Caesar in New Orleans allows me to see that he joins hands with the White Caesar in Washington.
Chewing his quid, and squirting his tobacco-juice into a huge spittoon, he informs us that he never seed sich a thing as dat affair with Wiltz; also that the culled people in Louisiana don't mind General Grant having a third term, if he like, or even a sixth term if he like.
Caesar in New Orleans sails in the same boat with Csesar in the White House.
The Negro senators agree that the White fellows in Washington are impertinent in rejecting Pinch.
He is the martyr of his skin.
Those White fellows talk about his character.
What right have they to pry into a gentleman's private life?
They prate about Governor Kellogg's electi