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es at last began to profit by their painful experience. In 1809 the Austrian army was led by the youthful Archduke Charles, and although thwarted by the projects of the old Generals of the Aulic council, wiped off much of its former disgrace. In 1812 Kutusoff was seconded by younger Generals: Barclay-de-Tolley and Miloradowick, forty-nine; Wintzengirode, forty-three; Schowralof, thirty five, and the Archduke Constantine, thirty-three--Generals who in the two succeeding campaigns rolled back thblows aimed at his enemy. Washington was about forty-five when he was called to the chief command of the American army. For seven long years he conducted with unfailing fortitude and increasing energy that remarkable struggle.--In the war of 1812 we dug up the old officers of the Revolution, men who had been successful in their youth, and placed them at the head of our armies. The consequence was a steady series of disasters and defeats not retrieved till we supplied the places of the oct
hinks the same effect may be wrought upon his men by the same cause. It is an old trick of war, to madden men to desperate assaults by administering strong drink to them. There is no doubt that very respectable commanders in former days entertained the idea that gunpowder and brandy mixed would create a sort of courage very useful in a hot engagement in the battlefield. Grant, no doubt, is familiar with the patriotic, naval song of the "Constitution and Guerriere," well known in the war of 1812. The latter vessel (British) was commanded by "proud Dacres, the grandee, O. "He was understood, before going into the battle with the Constitution, to have tried this physic on his men, and the song records the fact: "To the weather gauge, boys, get her, And to make his men fight better, Gave them to drink gunpowder Mixed with brandy, O." The stimulant so freely resorted to by Grant, undoubtedly had its effect; and employed against less sturdy and determined troops than the s
Massachusetts. This State was delinquent and traitorous in every war of the old Union. She was bitter against taxation and threw over the tea in 1776; but she was not faithful in the field, and never could be argued or goaded into sending her quota of men to meet the enemy. She voted the war of 1812 unholy, and furnished no men. When war was declared with Mexico, she voted herself out of the Union, which she declared broken up by that war, and the subsequent acquisition of territory on the Southern border. Notwithstanding all this disloyalty, when the country was engaged in a foreign war it was supposed that her fanaticism and malignity would prompt her to send men freely to war upon her former sister States of the South and desolate their lands. At first she exhibited great fire, and entered with tolerable alacrity into the business of volunteering. --As time has passed, though, we find her shewing her old propensity to let others fight while she makes money. She shuddered
that they can defy the world in arms. Were they even numerically inferior to us it would be a most atrocious crime to arm the slave against his master for the purpose of electing the destruction of that master's life or liberty. As such if we are not mistaken, it is denounced by all writers upon international law. But can anything be more shameful, as well as wicked, the relations between the parties being such as they are? When Napoleon had reached Wilma, in his invasion of Russia in 1812, a deputation of serfs from one of the most populous districts of the country waited upon him and assured him that if he would issue a proclamation emancipating the serfs they would join him to a man. But he declined their overtures for the reason that it would give a ferocious turn to the war, causing horrible devastation and unheard of murders. He should, he said, be espousing the cause of barbarism against civilization. He could not for a moment entertain the proposition. Be it remember
might confess that his enemies had sometimes got the better of him on land, but never on water. He whipped every thing he came across on that element. The war of 1812 took the starch out of that portion of his stiffening in the most unexpected manner. It hit him between the very joints of his harness. It struck him under the fled him up with amazement and indignation. He has never forgiven it to this day, and if he lives to the age of Methuselah, his memory of the naval transactions of 1812 will be forever green. Then began the halcyon days of the American Navy. Its officers were lionized at home and abroad. New ships were built; splendid, roomd manage. They have even tried to have ships built in England to catch the Alabama and the Florida. What a confession of weakness! What object humiliation. It is enough to make the hones of the great Commodores of 1812 rise from their graves. Verily, England has had her revenge, and may well chuckle over their tribulations.
speed, and was intended merely to pursue and destroy the Yankee commerce, not to fight their ships of war. The Kearsage had a picked crew — a crew picked out of 40,000 sailors — the best crew, beyond a doubt, that could have been selected from the whole Yankee navy. But, above all, the metal of the Kearsage was immensely heavier than the metal of the Alabama, and no superiority of courage or seamanship can overcome a great inferiority in that respect. That was the reason why, in the war of 1812, the Constitution took the Guerrero in twenty-nine minutes. The Constitution carried 32's and 24's; the Guerrero 24's and 18's. The weight of broadside of the former was 728, of the latter 504. The difference carried the day. It was a grown man beating a child. The Guerrero became unmanageable at the first broadside, and her gigantic adversary lay to and struck her where she wished, cutting her up so entirely in thirty minutes that she was obliged to be burned. So it was with the United St
of Leipzig, which lasted four days, the aggregate of loss on both sides, was probably as great as the loss of Grant's single army in this campaign of a month. Now these two were the most murderous battles of modern times. In the month which ended with Borodino, the Russian army had lost nothing like the number of men Grant lost in the month ending the 31 of June, 1864. The same may be said of the month ending with the battle of Leipzig. The Russians estimate the loss of Napoleon's army in 1812 at 330,000 men the greater part perishing from the inclemency of the climate. Napoleon, on the contrary, says he lost but 200,000. We shall not stop to inquire which of these statements is true. But it must be observed that the loss, be it what it may have been, to be distributed over a period of five months. No one month can be put in comparison with this bloody month of Grant's. As for the other campaigns of the French revolutionary wars, they scarcely deserve to be named on the same day
The Daily Dispatch: July 22, 1864., [Electronic resource], Death of an American student in Germany. (search)
In 1805 the French infantry, pursuing the Archduke Ferdinand in his retreat from Ulm, marched thirty miles a day in terrible weather, and over roads almost impassable for artillery. In the campaign of 1806 the French infantry pursued the Prussians at the rate of twenty-five to thirty miles per day. Napoleon marched fifty thousand men from Madrid to Astorga nearly twenty-five miles a day for ten days, through deep snows, across high mountains, and rivers swollen by the winter rains. In 1812 the French forces, under Clausel, after tremendous efforts at the battle of Salamanca, retreated forty miles in a little less than twelve hours. In 1814 Napoleon marched at the rate of ten leagues a day, fighting a battle besides every twenty-four hours. Hastening to the succor of Paris, he marched seventy miles in thirty-six hours. On his return from Elba, in 1815, his guards marched fifty miles the first day after landing; then traversed two hundred miles of a rough and mountainou
, and that her colonies would lie at the mercy of the gigantic power which they saw rising in the Western hemisphere. It was with them, as it has been with their successors from that time to this, an object of the greatest importance to effect the disintegration of this mighty empire, which, if allowed to expand to its legitimate proportions, must end by overshadowing the world. From the moment of our separation the intrigues of British agents in Canada were incessant; and during the war of 1812 they very nearly succeeded in detaching the New England States from the Union. Indeed, all Yankeedom, with a very few honorable exceptions, was at that time a nest of traitors. The war bore hard on their interests, which were largely involved in the trade with Great Britain and her colonies, and no Yankees were ever known to hesitate between treason to their country and treason to their interests. We escaped that trial; but there was another in reserve for us, which Great Britain knew well
r be killed by some of them, is too shocking to think of. The Yankee historians were perfectly right in denouncing the atrocity when it was practised by the Myrmidons of Cornwallis; but we hear not a word of censure, now that the executors of Lincoln's will are doing the same thing. No men denounced more bitterly than the Yankees the English practice of impressing seamen from vessels belonging to the United States. This was one among the many causes that conspired to bring on the war of 1812, and during that war the Congress of the United States, in a formal document, denounced as unchristian and inhuman a policy which retained the American seamen thus impressed, and rendered them liable to fall by the hands of their own countrymen on the deck of an enemy's vessel. In what do the drafts of the Yankees at New Orleans and elsewhere differ from this practice of the English, save that, having been adopted while war is actually raging between the Yankees and the Confederacy, it multi
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