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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
able to do, whether in courts or out of courts. The President at last adopted this view, and Mr. Evarts, William M. Evarts. who is a very eminent lawyer, without a superior in the country, has beWilliam M. Evarts. who is a very eminent lawyer, without a superior in the country, has been despatched to do all that he can, in consultation if possible with your law officers or with others, to arrest the guilty vessels. He is a friend of Mr. Seward, who had hoped that he would take hnd my personal friend, agreeing with me positively in policy and object — to take the place of Mr. Evarts, to advise our minister to confer with your Crown lawyers and government, and to state our caswas put on the uncertainty about the ironclads. We hear nothing authentic with regard to them. Evarts was here a few days ago, anxious, but with the impression that they would not be allowed to sailhere is more work to be done. We are all agreed against that. Here is the first great offence; Evarts puts this as No. 1. To take back this bloody folly will be bad for your Cabinet; but sooner or
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
took place October 10, 1864. Sumner had regarded his friend and coadjutor, S. P. Chase, as the fittest person for the place, and had as early as the spring of the year urged the President to appoint him in the event of a vacancy. After that came the rupture between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Chase, when the latter's resignation as Secretary of the Treasury was accepted, June 30. Other candidates were named on the death of the chief-justice—namely, Judge Swayne, already a member of the court; W. M. Evarts, who was supported by E. R. Hoar and R. H. Dana, Jr., of Massachusetts; William Curtis Noyes, who was recommended by Governor Morgan and members of the New York bar; and Montgomery Blair, who claimed to have Mr. Seward's support. Sumner, while expressing the highest respect for the character, attainments, and abilities of Mr. Noyes, whom he thought fit for any place on the bench or in the Cabinet, adhered to his conviction that the public interests, particularly the new constitutional qu
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
Bemis, G. W. Curtis, and James A. Hamilton received invitations which they were unable to accept. To Whittier he wrote: It will be a delight and a solace to me if I know that you are under my roof. he kept aloof from parties, but he could now return the courtesies which he had been receiving as a bachelor. Among those known to have dined with him are Seward, Motley, Fish, Conking, Hooper. Reverdy Johnson, ,John Sherman, Carl Schurz, Morrill of Vermont. General Sickles, General Webb, W. M. Evarts, Edmund Quincy, Agassiz. Ex-President Roberts of Liberia, Berthemy the French minister, Sir Edward Thornton the English minister, Gerolt the Prussian minister, and Blacque Bey the Turkish minister. Geore William Curtis, while at Washington as chairman of the Civil Service Commission, in June. 1871, though not accepting Sumner's invitation to occupy a room at his house, died with him every day, joining him afterwards in his drive, and the next winter was also almost daily at his house. M
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
ood nature of the American people is indisposed to a long controversy. Individual sufferers had been pressing their claims for indemnity at Washington, through Mr. Evarts and other counsel, and such private pressure often gives a turn to a negotiation. But the time for an incomplete adjustment had now passed. The subject belongthe law officers of the crown, Sir Thomas Freemantle and the commissioners of customs, were all guilty of falsehood and hypocrisy. Our counsel at Geneva,—Cushing, Evarts, and Waite,—in their argument, call the proclamation the first step taken by Great Britain in her relations to the conflict, and an intervention leading to injuris from 1861 to 1872, maintained by Seward, Adams, Fish, Schenck, Grant, the American members of the Joint High Commission, the eminent counsel at Geneva,—Cushing, Evarts, and Waite,—and the author of the Case, J. C. B. Davis. Whether the national claims ought on a final view to have been the subject of pecuniary indemnity, or
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
American colors, she was on her way to assist the insurgents in that island, was made the pretence of indignation against Spain, then a republic with Castelar at its head. There is always in the city of New York a filibustering interest which draws to its support a certain class of merchants and a certain class of lawyers. This interest, ever ready to provoke or aid an insurrection in Cuba, held a public meeting at Steinway Hall, November 17, to stimulate a war spirit against Spain. William M. Evarts took the chair and made an inflammatory speech. Sumner was invited to be one of the speakers; but he declined, and instead sent a letter of a spirit directly opposite to that of the meeting, in which he insisted on waiting for evidence and on considerate treatment of the Spanish republic and its noble president, and discountenanced the belligerent preparations then under way in our navy yards, which involved burdensome expenditure and encouraged an unhealthy war fever. Works, vol.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 18 (search)
t. Thomas was so manifestly desirable as Miss Seward represents, how does it happen that no one at Washington or among the people during the twenty years since Mr. Seward left office has said a word to revive the scheme? A good thing does not die so easily; there will always be true men and wise men to appreciate what is of enduring value. We have since had six Presidents,—Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, and Harrison,—and, not counting Washburne, five Secretaries of State,—Fish, Evarts, Blaine, Frelinghuysen, and Bayard; but none of them has coveted this island of the Caribbean Sea, rifted by earthquakes, swept by cyclones, and submerged by tidal waves, the imagined centre of universal commerce and a necessary outpost for our national defence! Journalists and merchants have been alike silent. Foreign nations who were suspected to be greedy spectators have turned away from the prize. St. Thomas remains still a Danish spinster, as she has been for two hundred years, unwed<
eartily glad when the turmoil of the impeachment was over, and was entirely satisfied to have a prominent Republican like Evarts accept a seat in Johnson's Cabinet. There were many in his party who disapproved the course of Evarts at this juncture. Evarts at this juncture. They were indignant even that he should defend the President professionally, and still more so when he consented to become a member of Johnson's Government. But Grant himself had set the precedent, and could not condemn the man who followed it. Bot and Stanton had held places in the same Cabinet while disapproving the policy of its chief; and he thought and said that Evarts, especially as the legal adviser of the Administration, might be able to act as a useful check, and thus do the country ioper, and nevertheless maintaining the dignity of his own position. Their relations were always extremely cordial. With Evarts and Schofield in the Cabinet, Grant was able, even as the candidate of the party that was so hostile to the President, to
Tribunal of Arbitration composed of five members of different nationalities, to sit at Geneva. In December, 1871, the Tribunal met, and the parties to the dispute put in their statements. Bancroft Davis was the agent of the United States. William M. Evarts, Caleb Cushing, and Morrison R. Waite were counsel on the American side. In the American case the question of consequential damages was proposed. The claims were not elaborately maintained, but the inquiry was made whether they could not national wrong, while the glory of settling peacefully a tremendous difference with to us at least the most important of modern nations will be Grant's greatest proof of statesmanship. For given all the honor they deserve to Fish and Schenck and Evarts and Bancroft Davis and Cushing and Waite—and no other Americans have earned equal credit in our day for any single act of civil life—still Grant was the head; it was for him always to decide. If he had been backward or uncertain, if he had faile
ure the passage of the bill, came to General Grant's house and asked for me. He said if a determined effort were made by General Grant's friends, he thought the bill might be passed the next day; and asked me to go to see whoever I thought would have influence. I told the General of the visit. He was gratified at the interest of his friends, but would give me no advice, and I sallied out and spent the day in his service. I found Mr. Hamilton Fish, General Grant's old Secretary of State, Mr. Evarts, who had just been elected Senator, and General Horace Porter, my former comrade on General Grant's staff. All were willing and earnest; all wrote letters at once to reach members of Congress the next day, and Porter went with me to visit others who we thought might help us. But Monday came and the bill was called up and lost. General Grant felt the rebuff acutely. Though he had made no demonstration of anxiety in advance, those who saw most of him and had learned to interpret the few
chapters of my history on which I was still engaged. I was still Consul-General at London, and my leave of absence having been renewed once or twice, he gave me the advice contained in the following letter. It is hardly necessary to say that Mr. Evarts was Secretary of State, and Colonel John Hay, AssistantSecre-tary under President Hayes. New York City, Dec. 4th 1880. Dear Badeau,—I would advise that you drop a private note to Asst. Sec. Hay saying that you would like to have your leave extended to about the 20th, or last of Jan. to insure getting your book in the hands of the printer before leaving. I will be going to Washington on Monday the 13th inst. and will speak to Hay, or Evarts, to have your leave extended if you wish. It is a pity the book cannot be out by the holidays. Business is then suspended and many persons might read it who later will not have the time. Sincerely Yours, U. S. Grant. Letter no. Sixty-four. This note was written immediately
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