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gress as a Senator forty-four years before — who had served, at different times, no less than twenty years, in the upper House of Congress; and who, after filling, for a season, the post of Attorney-General under Gen. Harrison, and again under Mr. Fillmore, was now, in his fullness of years, about to give place to a Democrat, John C. Breckinridge; closen to take Mr. Crittenden's seat on the 4th of March, 1861. elected because of the greater confidence of the slaveholding interest in the Democ, had had control of Congress and the Federal Executive through seven-eighths of our past national history. If this were the true panacea for our troubles respecting Slavery, why had they not applied it long ago? Why not adopt it under Polk or Fillmore, Pierce or Buchanan, without waiting to the last sands of their departing power? Why not unite upon it as their platform in the Presidential contest of 1860? Why call upon the Republicans to help them do, after forty years of controversy, what
rginians to stand by the action of their State, and thereby preserve her from the horrors of an intestine war. Thus, Mr. A. H. H. Stuart--a leading Whig of other days, an eminent member of Congress, afterward Secretary of the Interior under President Fillmore--who had been elected to the Convention as a Unionist from the strong Whig county of Augusta, and had opposed Secession to the last, now wrote a letter to The Staunton Spectator, maintaining this position: In my judgment, it is the duty her people, to unite her fortunes with those of the Rebellion. Though she had, for some years, been a Democratic State--casting her Presidential vote for Buchanan and Breckinridge, in 1856, by some seven thousand majority Burchanan 74,642; Fillmore 67,416; Fremont 314.--the cloven foot of treason had no sooner been exhibited, by the disruption of the Democratic party at Charleston, than her people gave unmistakable notice that they would acquiesce in no such purpose. Her State Election oc
ommittee of one member from each State, who shall report to this House, at its next session, such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as shall assuage all grievances, and bring about a reconstruction of the national unity; and that, for the preparation of such .adjustment, and the conference requisite for that purpose, there be appointed a commission of seven citizens of the United States, consisting of Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, Millard Fillmore, of New York, Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, Martin Van Buren, of New York, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, and James Guthrie, of Kentucky, who shall request from the so-called Confederate States the appointment of a similar commission, and who shall meet and confer on the subject in the city of Louisville, on the first Monday of September next. And that) the Committee appointed from this House notify said Commissioners of their appointment and function, and report their action to the next sessi
545. Fayetteville, N. C., seizure of Arsenal, 411; 485. Federalist, The, citation from, 42; 45; 46. Federalists, the, their political blunders, 82; their foreign policy, 265. Female anti-Slavery Society, mobbed, 127. field, David Dudley, 166; in the Peace Conference, 398; absent from, 400. fillibustering, with regard to Cuba, 269-270; participators in, never brought to justice in the Union, 275; indorsed by the Democratic party, 277-8; denounced by the Republicans, 278. Fillmore, Millard, nominated for Vice-President, 192; his accession to the Presidency, 208; in the Whig Convention of 1852, 223; nominated for President, 247; his speech at Albany, 248; the vote he received, 248; vote cast for him in Kentucky, 492. Fisher, Col., (Rebel,) killed at Bull Run, 545. Fitzpatrick, Benjamin, of Ala., nominated for Vice-President, 318. Florida, invasions of; destruction of the negro and Indian fort there, 177; withdraws from the Democratic Convention. 314; secessio
committee of one member from each State, who shall report to this House, at its next session, such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as shall assuage all grievances, and bring about a reconstruction of the national unity; and that, for the preparation of such adjustment and the conference requisite for that purpose, there be appointed a commission of seven citizens of the United States, consisting of Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, Millard Fillmore, of New York, Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, Martin Van Buren, of New York, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, and James Guthrie, of Kentucky, who shall request from the so-called Confederate States the appointment of a similar commission, and who shall meet and confer on the subject in the city of Louisville on the first Monday of September next. And that the committee appointed from this House notify said commissioners of their appointment and function, and report their action to the next session
nd the Union and Constitution be preserved and maintained, and inviting the cooperation of the people of the aforesaid States in the accomplishment of this object — it is desirable to each and all — do resolve as follows:-- Resolved, That Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney, Edward Everett, Geo. M. Dallas, Thomas M. Ewing, Horace Binney, Reverdy Johnson, John J. Crittenden, George E. Pugh and Richard W. Thompson be, and they are hereby, appointed Commissioners on the part of Conrs are not yet ripe for peace on either side.--Charleston Mercury, Dec. 12. A peace from Yankeedom. We see by the proceedings of the Federal Congress, that in the Senate on the 4th of Dec. Mr. Saulsbury offered a joint resolution, that Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney, Edward Everett, George M. Dallas, Thomas M. Ewing, Horace Binney, Reverdy Johnson, John J. Crittenden, Geo. E. Pugh, and Richard W. Thompson, be appointed commissioners on the part of Congress to confer with
er. The Abolitionists had put up a candidate for President at previous elections, but their vote was so small that it was never a factor in the political result. Taylor lived but fifteen months after his inauguration in 1849, and Vice-President Millard Fillmore became President. Under the Missouri compromise act, it was provided that other States coming in thereafterwards might be admitted as free States if such was the wish of the people forming the new States. Near the close of FillmoreFillmore's administration a new compromise measure was passed, which included the fugitive slave act. The original law, passed in the early days of the republic, was to be executed through tile medium of State officers, but the execution of this new fugitive slave law was put wholly into the hands of the courts and officers of the United States. The principle of this act, so it is stated, was that of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories. Congress declined either to l
c. 17 Faulkner, C. J., Minister, letter to Seward, D. 59; Doc. 191 Fay, Richard S., Major, D. 76 Fayetteville, N. C., arsenal at, seized by Governor Ellis, D. 9, 39 Fearing, Hawkes, Doc. 119 Federal Hill, Baltimore, U. S. encampment at, D. 68 Fellowes, Cornelius, D. 5 Fiddlestring Notes, by Fidelia, P. 149 Field, David Dudley, speech at Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. 113 Fields, T. C., speech at Union meeting, New York, April 20, Doc. 114 Fillmore, Millard, D. 9, 56 Finch, —, patriotism of the family of, P. 95 Fire Zouaves. See Ellsworth, D. 50; anecdotes of, P. 95, 100 Fish, Daniel, arrested, D. 42, 51 Fish, Hamilton, speech at the Union meeting, N. Y., Doc. 95 Fish, Ross, Doc. 132 Fisher, Eliza Gray, what one noble woman can do, P. 101 First Baptist church, New York, flag-raising on the, D. 57 Fishing bounties, Int. 25 Flemming, Thomas M., Dr., D. 97 Fletcher, A. W., P. 82 Float
sion manifest, on the contrary, the arrogance of a triumphant party, and the determination to reap to the uttermost the full harvest of a party victory. Crittenden of Kentucky, the oldest and one of the most honored members of the Senate, Crittenden had been a life-long Whig. His first entrance into the Senate was in 1817, and he was a member of that body at various periods during the ensuing forty-four years. He was Attorney General in the Whig cabinets of both General Harrison and Fillmore, and supported the Bell and Everett ticket in 1860. introduced into that body a joint resolution proposing certain amendments to the Constitution—among them the restoration and incorporation into the Constitution of the geographical line of the Missouri Compromise, with other provisions, which it was hoped might be accepted as the basis for an adjustment of the difficulties rapidly hurrying the Union to disruption. But the earnest appeals of that venerable statesman were unheeded by Senat
s have no wish that that compact should be disturbed, or that plighted faith in the slightest degree violated. It is satisfactory to know that in the closing year of his life, when looking retrospectively, with judgment undisturbed by any extraneous influence, he uttered views of the government which must stand the test of severest scrutiny and defy the storms of agitation, for they are founded on the rock of truth. In letters written and addresses delivered during the administration of Fillmore, he repeatedly applies to the Constitution the term compact, which, in 1833, he had so vehemently repudiated. In his speech at Capon Springs, Virginia, in 1851, he says: If the South were to violate any part of the Constitution intentionally and systematically, and persist in so doing year after year, and no remedy could be had, would the North be any longer bound by the rest of it? And if the North were, deliberately, habitually, and of fixed purpose, to disregard one part of it, wou
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