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The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 6. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier), Historical papers (search)
ell? A demagogue —a ruffian agitator! say the Tory journals of Great Britain, quaking meantime with awe and apprehension before the tremendous moral and political power which he is wielding,—a power at this instant mightier than that of any potentate of Europe. A blackguard—a fellow who obtains contraband admission into European society—a malignant libeller—a plunderer of his country—a man whose wind should be stopped, say the American slaveholders, and their apologists, Clay, Stevenson, Hamilton, and the Philadelphia Gazette, and the Democratic Whig Association. But who is Daniel O'Connell? Ireland now does justice to him, the world will do so hereafter. No individual of the present age has done more for human liberty. His labors to effect the peaceable deliverance of his own oppressed countrymen, and to open to the nations of Europe a new and purer and holier pathway to freedom unstained with blood and unmoistened by tears, and his mighty instrumentality in the aboliti
of William Samuel Johnson, Agent for Connecticut; one letter and fragments of letters of Edmund Burke, Agent for New-York; many and exceedingly valuable ones, of Garth a Member of Parliament and Agent for South Carolina; and specimens of the Correspondence of Knox and Franklin, as Agents of Georgia. Analogous to these are the confidential communications which passed between Hutchinson and Israel Mauduit and Thomas Whately; between one of the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania and Deputy Governor Hamilton; between Cecil Calvert and Hugh Hammersley, successive Secretaries of Maryland, and Lieutenant Governor Sharpe; between Ex-Governor Pownall and Dr. Cooper of Boston; between Hollis and Mayhew and Andrew Eliot of Boston. Of all these I have copies. Of the letter-books and drafts of letters of men in office, I had access to those of Bernard for a single year; to those of Hutchinson for many years; to that of Dr. Johnson, the patriarch of the American Episcopal Church, with Archbishop
expelled every other sentiment, and nearly all united in denouncing vengeance, as they expressed it, against that insolent Chap. XXXV.} 1768. July. town of Boston. W. S. Johnson's P. S. to Letter of 23 July, 1768, to W. Pitkin. The thought of gaining quiet by repealing or modifying the act, was utterly discountenanced. If the Government, said they, now gives way as it did about the Stamp Act, it will be all over with its authority in America. As Grafton had escaped to the country, Hamilton to Calcraft, 24 July, 1768. Chat. Corr. III. 385. Frances to Choiseul, 29 July, 1768. Hallowell was examined at the Treasury Chambers before Lord North and Jenkinson. Treasury Chamber, 21 July, 1768. Present, Lord North, Mr. Campbell, and Mr. Jenkinson. He represented that the determination to break the revenue laws was not universal; that the revenue officers who remained there were not insulted; that the spirit displayed in Boston, did not extend beyond its limits; that Salem and Ma
nly at forestalling tracts of land, the monopoly of the Indian trade, or the ruin of the French villages, took their cause into their own hands; they demanded institutions like those of Connecticut, and set themselves inflexibly against any proposal for a Government, which should be irresponsible to themselves. In 1771, they had assembled in a General Meeting, and had fixed upon their scheme; they never departed from it; expecting to appoint their own Governor and all civil Magistrates. Hamilton to Gage, 8 Aug. 1772. The rights of freemen were demanded as boldly on the Prairies of Illinois as in Carolina or New England. Towards the people at Vincennes, Hillsborough was less relenting; for there was no Spanish shore to which they could fly. They were, by formal proclamation, peremptorily commanded to retire within the jurisdiction of some one of the Colonies. Proclamation of 8 April, 1772. Compare Gage to Hillsborough, 4 March, 1772. But the men Compare Inhabitants of Vincen
enable them better to understand and discharge their duties in life and lead them to contemplate with pleasure and religious reverence the character of the Great Author of their being as discovered in his works, his providence and his word; and thus help them to attain the end of their Christian faith, the salvation of their souls. As early as 1812, Mr. Pierpont delivered a poem before the Washington Benevolent Society of Newburyport, named The Portrait. It is a contrast of Washington, Hamilton, Jay, Adams, and other heroes of our early history, with what he esteemed the mock military heroes of the war with England. It is a pessimistic poem, so deeply marked with the bias of the time in which it was written, that in the edition of his poems published in 1840, he says, in a foot-note: Both the text and the notes of this poem occasionally show the warmth of political feeling, and the strength of party prejudice of the time when it was written. Both text and notes are allowed to r
itute the committee of one from each State on the secession portion of the Message: Corwin, of Ohio; Millson, of Va.; , of Mass.; Winslow, of N. C.; Humphrey, of N. Y.; Boyce, of S. C.; Campbell, of Pa.; Love, of Ga.; Terry, of Ct.; Davis, of Md.; Robinson, of R. I.; Whitley, of Del.; Tappan, of N. H.; Stration, of N. J.; Bristow, of Ky.; Morrill, of Vt.; Nelson, of Tenn.; Dunn, of ; Taylor, of La.; Davis, of Miss.; Kellogg, of Ill.; Houston, of Ala.; Morse, of Me.; Mich.; Hawkins, of Fla.; Hamilton, of Tex.; Washburne, of Wis.; Curtis, of Iowa; Burch, of Cal.; Windom, of Min., and Stout, of Oregon. Mr. Hawkins, of Fla. asked to be excused from serving on the committee. He had been informed that if he refused without being formally excused, he would be reprimanded by the House, but his main reason for making the request was that he did not believe in the appointment of committees for Union-saving purposes now, as he had believed heretofore. The time for compromise had passed.
le. Fredericksburg. W. P. Conway, D. H. Gordon, J. H. Bradley, Charles Herndon. G. H. C. Rowe, Ro. W. Adams, H. S. Doggett. Lynchburg. Chiswell Dabney, James M. Cobbs, Samuel Tyree, Ro. Tinsley. Seth Woodruff, W. T. Yancey, Geo. D. Davis. Danville. T. P. Atkinson, Stephen H. Turner, D. J. Paxton, Wm. Rison. Geo. C. Cabell, Wm. H. Wooding, T. D. Claiborne. Charleston. James C. McFarland, W. E. C. Gillison, Wm. T. Goshom, Andrew Parks. Thos. J. Buster, Wm. A. Quarrier, J. S. Swan. Buchanan. Chas. T. Beale. Rufus Pitzer, T. Henry Johnstone, R. E. Allen, Jas. B. Moelich, Wm. D. Couch, P. G Breckenridge. Portsmouth. A. R. Smith, Stephen Cowley, Wm. H. Peters, John C. Weston. Arthur E. Wilson, Gerrard Henderson, Edw'd Kearnes. Union. John Echols, Geo. W. Hutchinson, B. G. Dunlop, J. H. Alexander. B. F. Steele, Samuel. Hamilton, S. B. Keenan. New Directors.
The Daily Dispatch: January 25, 1861., [Electronic resource], A man killed by a lion at Astley's Theatre — a Thrilling scene. (search)
Congressional. Washington, Jan. 24. --House.--Mr. Colfax called up his postal bill. Mr. Hamilton, of Texas, moved an amendment to it. Mr. Colfax wished to know if Texas intended to remain in the Union, before consenting to receive amendments from her representatives. Mr. Hamilton believed she had not cause for going out. On returning to his State he would bear testimony to the honorable conduct of the Northern representatives towards Texas. Mr. Winslow, of North CarMr. Hamilton believed she had not cause for going out. On returning to his State he would bear testimony to the honorable conduct of the Northern representatives towards Texas. Mr. Winslow, of North Carolina, on account of indisposition, declined to avail himself of his privilege to speak. Mr. Rust, of Ark., opposed its adoption.--He gave his reason therefore. Mr. Dunn denied one of Mr. Rust's propositions, and Mr. R. announced that he ould meet Mr. Dunn elsewhere. Other words ensued, but Mr. Dunn subsequently explained that he meant nothing offensive to Mr. Rust. Mr. Rust required an unqualified retraction. Mr. Dunn said he had made such an explanation as he thought it hi
t it might avert the impending calamity to the country. No one was responsible for it but himself. The resolutions were ordered to be printed Mr. Edwards presented a memorial in behalf of a Constitutional Union from New Hampshire, and asking that the slavery question be ignored by Congress. Referred to a Select Committee. Mr. Sherman reported a bill authorizing a loan of $25,000,000 before the 1st of July. The report of the Committee of Thirty-Three was resumed. Mr. Hamilton, of Texas, made a strong Union speech, eliciting applause. Mr. Stokes, of Tenn. made a similar speech. He would rather be called a submissionists than a rebel and traitor. He would agree to any compromise for peace. He was occasionally applauded. The House took a recess until 7 o'clock. Evening Session. Mr. Killenger, of Pa., a conciliatory speech. He was willing to make a compromise on the Border State resolutions. He spoke strongly against secession. Mr. Qu
eiads from their orbit, and nothing but the power of attraction can bring them back. The Union cannot be preserved by force.--Force did not create, and cannot re-create it. The speaker went on to review the purposes for which the Government was formed, and said if the Constitution had failed to answer them, it had become the engine of injustice and oppression. He loved the Union--he revered and cherished it, because it was hallowed by such names as Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton, Jackson, and Clay — by men of patriotism, from the days of the Revolution down to the hapless year of 1860. But dear as it was, it could not be maintained by force, and at the expense of our interest, honor, and liberty. It could never be enforced upon a free people unwillingly and against their consent. Such a Union would be the worst of tyranny — a despotism that no free or brave people ever could or would submit to. Some other mode must be resorted to, to preserve or restore the Unio
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