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. Jamaica, L. I., I, 19. James, Henry, I, 255; II, 8. James, William, II, 233, 315, 366. Jarvis, Edward, I, 133. Jeannette, I, 322. Jefferson, Joseph, I, 97. Jeffries, John, II, 233. Jericho, II, 38-40. Jerome, J. K., II, 171. Jerusalem, I, 378; II, 38, 40-42. Jeter, Mrs., II, 349. Jewett, M. R., II, 316, 317, 356. Jewett, Sarah O., II, 299, 316, 317, 356. Jews, I, 256, 311. Jocelyn, Mr., II, 357. Johnson, Andrew, I, 238, 239, 246, 378. Johnson, Reverdy, I, 239. Johnson, Robert U., II, 399. Jones, J. L., II, 176, 178, 184. Jones, Lief, II, 166. Jordan River, II, 39. Jouett, Admiral, II, 104, 106. Kalopothakis, Mr., II, 43. Kane, Capt., II, 104. Kansas, I, 168, 170, 381, 382; II, 325. Kansas City, II, 122. Kant, Immanuel, I, 196, 214, 217, 218, 222, 223, 225, 227, 229, 240, 241, 249, 250, 253, 255; II, 19, 62. Keller, Helen, II, 262. Kenmare, Lady, II, 251, 254. Kenmare, Lord, II, 165. Kennan, G
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), The civil history of the Confederate States (search)
d as suddenly subsided, and the fact that in every instance the excitement arose when a possible advantage in political and commercial power might be gained by the southward side of the Union, betrays the insanity of the agitation and its want of moral and patriotic principle. The public policy outlined by Taylor, the Presidentelect from the South, in the beginning of the administration, March, 1849, indicated the national conservative spirit. In his cabinet were such Southerners as Reverdy Johnson, John M. Clayton, George W. Crawford and William Ballard Preston. Nothing in the general political canvass of 1848 had indicated any certain early dangerous uprising of the old sectional dispute. A great stretch of new territory, spreading from the Gulf of Mexico northward to an undefined boundary and westward to the Pacific ocean, lay open to occupancy, subject to the opera tion of the Constitution and the laws regulating the creation of territorial and State governments. Sectional
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), Biographical: officers of civil and military organizations. (search)
report, appreciative mention as being as distinguished for execution as for science and daring. After Chapultepec he was recommended for the rank of colonel. The City of Mexico was next taken and the war ended. Among the officers with Lee in Mexico were Grant, Meade, McClellan, Hancock, Sedgwick, Hooker, Burnside, Thomas, McDowell, A. S. Johnston, Beauregard, T. J. Jackson, Longstreet, Loring, Hunt, Magruder, and Wilcox, all of whom seemed to have felt for him a strong attachment. Reverdy Johnson said he had heard General Scott more than once say that his success in Mexico was largely due to the skill, valor and undaunted energy of Robert E. Lee. Jefferson Davis, in a public address at the Lee memorial meeting November 3, 1870, said: He came from Mexico crowned with honors, covered with brevets, and recognized, young as he was, as one of the ablest of his country's soldiers. General Scott said with emphasis: Lee is the greatest military genius in America. Every general office
denied in the message the President's position defined question of the power to coerce a State distinction between the power to wage war against a State, and the power to execute the laws against individuals views of Senator (now President) Johnson, of Tennessee President Buchanan's solemn appeal in favor of the Union his estrangement from the secession leaders Cessation of all friendly intercourse between him and them. On the 6th November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected Presidentlly bound as they had been before to obey the laws. The Disunionists, unlike the Republicans, placed the correct construction upon both messages, and therefore denounced them in severe terms. The President was gratified to observe that Senator Johnson, of Tennessee, a few days after the date of the first message, placed this subject in its true light, and thereby exposed himself to similar denunciations. In his speech of 18th December, 1860 (Congressional Globe, p. 119), he says: I do no
red them a most acceptable service. These were Messrs. Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana; Mr. Iverson, of Georgia; Messrs. Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas; and Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas. Had these gentlemen voted with their brethren from the border slaveholding States and the other Democratic Senators, the Clark amendment would hareport until Friday, the 15th February, Ibid., p. 21. and thus a precious week was lost. The reason for this delay shall be expressed in the language of Mr. Reverdy Johnson, a member of the committee and a commissioner from Maryland. In his letter of 13th May, 1863, to the editors of the Journal of Commerce, in answer to allegments reported by a majority of the committee, through Mr. Guthrie, their chairman, were substantially the same with the Crittenden Compromise; but on motion of Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, the general terms of the first and by far the most important section were restricted to the present Territories of the United States. Official
oval to procure the indictment of Lee for treason. General Lee at once appealed to General Grant. His first communication was verbal, and was made through Mr. Reverdy Johnson, who acted as the legal adviser of Lee; he came to see me to learn Grant's feeling. I ascertained that Grant was firm in his determination to stand by his own terms, and so informed Mr. Johnson. Grant, however, thought that Lee should go through the form of applying for pardon, in order to indicate his complete submission. Lee, though entirely willing to make the application, was anxious to be assured in advance that Grant would formally approve it. General Ord, then in command in Richmond, made known this feeling of Lee to Grant, through General Ingalls, and Grant directed me to assure Mr. Reverdy Johnson of his readiness to indorse Lee's application favorably. Accordingly Lee forwarded two papers of the same date, one an application for pardon in the prescribed form, and the other a statement of the propo
in accord with his views than Grant. The Hon. Reverdy Johnson also saw the President and recommendee had given all the necessary notification to Johnson of his course. I was with him, with other sthad occurred. He declared that he had told Mr. Johnson that on no account could he consent to holdould not be satisfied with Grant's decision. Johnson indeed was always slow in arriving at a decisnstantaneous in action when the crisis came. Johnson could even now not determine what to do; he dnt. Grant positively denied the assertion of Johnson and Johnson induced three of his Cabinet Minitration he manifested the same feeling toward Johnson's Secretary of the Treasury. McCulloch had rred no loss. The heated discussion between Johnson and Grant is historical. Letters of an extrainduce Grant to take the step that he asked. Johnson had constantly flattered himself that he couday it is probable that he would have visited Johnson again, for he was profoundly anxious to tranq[7 more...]
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 11. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The friendship between Lee and Scott. (search)
but the proof is conclusive. Besides the positive testimony of Montgomery Blair, who got it from his father, and of Reverdy Johnson and other gentlemen, who received it from General Scott, I found, soon after his death, in General Lee's private letbtain the chief command of the army, and being disappointed, had then gone to Richmond and joined the Confederates. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland—himself an ardent Union man—repelled the charge, and thereupon General Lee wrote him as follows: Lexington, Va., February 25, 1868. Hon. Reverdy Johnson, United States Senate, Washington, D. C.: My Dear Sir,—My attention has been called to the official report of the debate in the Senate of the United States of the 19th instant, in which you didient servant, Winfield Scott. In a public address delivered in Baltimore soon after the death of General Lee, Hon. Reverdy Johnson said that he had been intimate with General Scott, and had heard him say more than once that his success in Mexico<
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 11. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The Virginia campaign of 1864-1865. (search)
ed position first, and held it. From the 8th to the 20th of May the vicinity of Spotsylvania Courthouse was the scene of many severe and some furious battles, the most memorable of which occurred May 12th, when Grant threw the half of his army, under Hancock and Burnside, against Lee's lines. Burnside was repulsed, but Hancock's attack on the Confederate centre was for a time successful, the Federals capturing a sallient position on Ewell's line with a number of guns and a large part of Johnson's division. All day long raged at this point the sanguinary contest. The ground was piled with dead. A dead tree, nearly two feet in diameter, was cut off some distance above the earth by the terrific hail of musket-balls. The fate of the Confederate army trembled in the balance. Only by the most strenuous efforts and the fiercest fighting was Lee able to force back the greatly superior numbers which had broken his lines and seemed on the point of overwhelming him. But he did it, and t
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Letters and times of the Tylers. (search)
with them, and was never, in the Jackson sense, a Democrat, but a decided Whig. The history of the rise of the Whig party, occasioned by the violent Federal measures and principles of the Jackson Democratic party, which was in no sense Democratic, is very fairly presented by the writer of the Letters and Times of the Two Tylers. It was characterized by the exhibition of the talent of such men as Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Tyler, Leigh, Archer, Badger, Berrien, Preston, White, Prentice, Reverdy Johnson, and many others, determined to resist the violent measures of Andrew Jackson as President of the United States. We will not enter into a discussion of the many points on which the Whig party acted. It is known, historically, how Federal the so called Democratic party of the Jackson school became, and, in truth, the Whigs were more Democratic than the professed Democrats. It was under that influence that Mr. Webster said the Whigs had, in England, been a party opposed to power, and
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