hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
View all matching documents...

Your search returned 186 results in 46 document sections:

1 2 3 4 5
along in June, it was not easy to describe the chap. X.} 1764. June. manner in which people were affected. I will wear nothing but homespun, Letter of R. R. Livingston. The text is derived from letters written at the moment, which, with other invaluable papers, were communicated to me by my friend, the present Bishop of Peer. It was thought a French army of three thousand men might land in America without opposition from its inhabitants. It appears plainly, said the gentle Robert R. Livingston, that these duties are only the beginning of evils. The stamp duty, they tell us, is deferred, till they see whether the colonies will take the yoke upon ly think of intimidating ministers. To the Earl of Halifax, he signalized the lawyer, John Morin Scott, as an incendiary; and entreated the removal of Justice Robert R. Livingston, who had firmly maintained the validity of the verdict of juries. In this way the liberal party in New-York acquired its strength. The merchants oppo
e representatives of the people in England, their malady, said Hopkins, of Rhode Island, is an increasing evil, that must always grow greater by time. When the parliament once begins, such was the discourse at Boston, there is no drawing a line. And it is only the first step, repeated the New-York owners of large estates; a land tax for all America will be thought chap. XIV.} 1765. June of next. Boston Gazette. N. Y. Gazette. Hopkins's Grievances. Hutchinson's Correspondence. R. R. Livingston's Correspondence. It is plain, said even the calmest, Englishmen do not regard Americans as members of the same family, brothers, and equals, but as subordinates, bound to submit to oppression at their pleasure. A bill was even prepared, thus men warned each other against new dangers, that authorized quartering British soldiers upon American private families. And is not our property seized, they further exclaimed, by men who cry, give, give, and never say, enough, and thrown into
on special privileges, or universal season? Otis was instructed by Boston to support not only the liberty of the colonies, but also chartered rights. Johnson, of Connecticut, submitted a paper, which pleaded charters from the crown. But Robert R. Livingston, of New-York, the goodness of whose heart set him above prejudices, and equally comprehended all mankind, would not place the hope of America on that foundation; R. R. Livingston, jr., to the historian, Gordon. and Gadsden, of South CarR. R. Livingston, jr., to the historian, Gordon. and Gadsden, of South Carolina, giving utterance to the warm impulses of a brave and noble nature, spoke against it with irresistible impetuosity. A confirmation of our essential and common rights as Englishmen, thus he himself reports his sentiments, Ms. Letter of Christopher Gadsden. may be pleaded from charters safely enough; but any further dependence upon them may be fatal. We should stand upon the broad common ground of those natural rights that we all feel and know as men, and as descendants of Englishmen.
of freedom. A committee of intercolonial correspondence was raised, and while James Delancy and others hesitated, the unflinching Isaac Sears, with Lamb, Mott, Wiley, and Robinson, assumed the post of greatest danger, and sent expresses R. R. Livingston to R. Livingston, 2 Nov. to invite the people of the neighboring governments to join in the league, justly confident they would follow the example of New-York. Friday, the first morning of November, broke Nov. upon a people unanimously r. If judges be sent from England, with an able Attorney- chap. XIX.} 1765. Nov. General and Solicitor-General, to make examples of some very few, this colony will remain quiet. Others of his letters pointed plainly to John Morin Scott, Robert R. Livingston, and William Livingston, as suitable victims. At the same time, some of the churchmen avowed to one another their longing to see the Archbishop of Canterbury display a little more of the resolution of a Laud or a Sextus Quintus; for what,
flagstaff; Dunlap's New-York, i. 433; Leake's Lamb, 32, 33; Holt's Gazette, 14 Aug. and 21 Aug. 1766, and 25 Sept. 1766. so that the Billeting Act could find no favor. Shelburne Shelburne to Sir Henry Moore, 9 Aug. 1766. sought to persuade their Assembly to obedience, holding forth hope of a change of the law on a well-grounded representation of its hardship; and a prudent Governor could have avoided a collision. But Moore was chiefly bent on establishing a Play-house Mss. of Judge Livingston, 1766. against the wishes of the Presbyterians, and his thoughtless frivolity drove the House to a categorical conflict with the Act of Parliament, when they had really made Chap. XXVII.} 1766. Dec. provision for quartering two battalions and one company of artillery. They did but exercise a discretion of their own, and refused to be guilty of a breach of trust, by imposing heavier burdens than the people could support. Address of the Assembly of New-York to the Governor, delivere
Same, 3 June, 1769. with un- Chap. XXXIX.} 1769. Jan. surpassed distinctness, Andrew Eliot to T. Hollis, 29 January, 1769. Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, Jan. 1769. and appointing an intercolonial committee of correspondence. Compare R. R. Livingston to R. Livingston, 12 Dec. 1768. The New Year brought a dissolution Moore to Hillsborough, 24 Jan, 1769. of its Assembly; and in the new elections, the Government party employed every art to create confusion. It excused the violence of mouth on the nomination of their landlords, but as in New England, and the royalists professed to favor the introduction of the ballot. Above all; in New-York the old cry of No Presbyterian, gave place to that of No Lawyer. John Jay to R. R. Livingston Jr. Jan. 1769. Add to this, that all parties still hoped for an escape from strife by some Plan of Union; Chap. XXXIX.} 1769. Jan. that Grafton, who was much connected with New-York, was believed to be well disposed; that the population wa
ion was at hand. Franklin had negotiated with the Treasury for a grant to a Company of about twenty-three millions of acres of land, south of the Ohio and west of the Alleghanies; Hillsborough, from the fear that men in the backwoods would be too independent, opposed the project. De Guines, French Ambassador, to Aiguillon, 11 August, 1772. Franklin persuaded Hertford, a friend of the King's, Gower the President of the Council, Camden, the Secretaries of the Treasury, W. Duer to Robert R. Livingston Jr., London, 3 August, 1772. and others to become shareholders in his scheme; by their influence, the Lords of Council disregarded the adverse report of the Board of Trade, and decided in favor of planting the new Province. Order in Council, 14 Aug. 1772. Compare Propositions for the Settlement of Pittsylvania, and the Memorial of Franklin and Wharton to the American Congress. Hillsborough was too proud to brook this public insult; and the King, soothing his fall by a patent for a
ntages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members; excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a Chap. XII.} 1774. Sept. revenue on the subjects in America without their consent. This article was contrary to the principles of Otis at the commencement of the contest; to the repeated declarations of Samuel Adams; to the example of the congress of 1765, which had put aside a similar proposition, when offered by Livingston, of New York. Not one of the committee was fully satisfied with it; yet, as the ablest speaker from Massachusetts was its advocate, the concession was irrevocable. It stands as a monument that the congress harbored no desire but of reconciliation. I would have given every thing I possessed for a restoration to the state of things before the contest began; said John Adams at a later day. His resolution accepted that badge of servitude, the British colonial system. During these discussio
and against one hundred and sixty-three, there appeared eight hundred and twenty-five in favor of being represented. The rural counties co-operated with the city; and on the twentieth of April, forty-one delegates met in April 20. convention, chose Philip Livingston unanimously their president; re-elected all their old members to Congress, except the lukewarm Isaac Low; and unanimously added five others, among them Philip Schuy- Chap. XXVI.} 1775. April. ler, George Clinton, and Robert R. Livingston; not to hasten a revolution, but to concert measures for the preservation of American rights, and for the restoration of harmony between Great Britain and the colonies. This happened at a time when the king believed New York won over by immunities and benefactions and the generals who were on the point of sailing were disputing for the command at that place. Burgoyne would best manage a negotiation, said the king; but Howe would not resign his right to the post of confidence. Ver
Chapter 34: The second continental congress. May, 1775. few hours after the surrender of Ticonderoga, Chap. XXXIV} 1775. May 10. the second continental congress met at Philadelphia. There among the delegates, appeared Franklin and Samuel Adams; John Adams, and Washington, and Richard Henry Lee; soon joined by Patrick Henry, and by George Clinton, Jay, and Jay's college friend, the younger Robert R. Livingston, of New York. Whom did they represent? and what were their functions? They were committees from twelve colonies, deputed to consult on measures of conciliation, with no means of resistance to oppression beyond a voluntary agreement for the suspension of importations from Great Britain. They formed no confederacy; they were not an executive government; they were not even a legislative body. They owed the use of a hall for their sessions to the courtesy of the carpenters of the city; there was not a foot of land on which they had the right to execute their deci
1 2 3 4 5